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BRADDOCK APPOINTED COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.

again to see each other! Their lands, crops, cattle, every thing, except household furniture, which they could not carry away, and money, of which they had little or none, were declared forfeit to the crown; and, to insure the starvation of such as fled to the woods, and so to compel their surrender, the growing crops were destroyed, and the barns and houses burned, with all their contents!"'* Of these about 1,000 were carried to Massachusetts, where they were even denied the consolation of religion, because they were Catholics; some made their way to Louisiana and St. Domingo, and some to France, but these were a comparatively small part of the whole. The greater part died broken-hearted in a foreign land.†

While affairs were being thus conducted in the North, matters in the South were in a most unsatisfactory

* Hildreth, History of the United States, vol. ii., p. 458.

Mr. Longfellow has drawn inspiration from this theme in his Evangeline, A Tale of Acadie. See also Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, pp. 90127, 234-284; Bancroft, vol. ii. pp. 425-434; Parkman, Half Century of Conflict, vol. i., pp. 176-203, where the early history of Acadie is given; Public Documents of Nova Scotia; Bradley, The Fight with France for North America, pp. 47-55, 121-131; William D. Lighthall, The Acadian Refugees, article 27 under Canadian history in Encyclopedia Americana, vol. iii. (ed. of 1907); Haliburton, History of Nova Scotia (1829); Murdoch, History of Nova Scotia (1865); Campbell, History of Nova Scotia (1873); Moreau, Histoire de l'Acadie (1873); Hannay, History of Acadia (1879), and The Story of Acadia (1904); Smith, Acadia (1884); Richard, Acadia (1894): Hart, Fall of New France (1888); Miles, History of Canada, pp. 300-304, and the extracts from archives quoted on pp. 482-486; Roberts, Canada, pp. 126–130.

condition. The Assembly would not comply with the various requests of Dinwiddie, who roundly complained of their conduct in his dispatches. After much persuasion, however, the Assembly finally consented to raise a respectable military force, in which, to avoid any disputes about rank among the officers, a general order was issued giving precedence in all case to those commissioned by the king or commander-in-chief, over those who had only received commissions from the colonial Assembly. Such a course was only calculated to create discontent in the minds of the colonial officers, and Washington, out of self-respect, resigned his commission immediately, then devoting himself entirely to his private affairs.* In 1755 General Edward Braddock, who had been appointed commander-inchief of the forces in the colonies, arrived at the Chesapeake with two British regiments.† Two thousand troops were ordered to be raised and officered in New England, while 3,000 more were to be enlisted in Pennsylvania by the authority of the crown. In April a number of the colonial governors met Braddock at Alexandria, where three expeditions were determined upon. One, commanded by Braddock, was to proceed against Fort Duquesne and expel the French

* Johnson, General Washington, p. 38; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. i., p. 154 et seq.; Lodge, George Washington, vol. i., pp. 77–78.

See the secret instructions to General Braddock, in N. Y. Col. Does., vol. vi., pp. 920-922; Pennsylvania Archives, vol. ii., pp. 203–207.

BRADDOCK'S PLAN OF CAMPAIGN.

from Ohio; a second, under William Shirley, of Massachusetts, recently appointed major-general, was to march against Niagara; and a third, under William Johnson, a man of vast influence among the Six Nations, was to undertake the capture of Crown Point, on the western shore of Lake Champlain.*

While Braddock had a remarkable reputation for personal bravery, and had served with credit in European campaigns, he was entirely ignorant of the methods of conducting warfare in America, and only made matters worse by refusing to take advice from the colonial officers.† When matters did not suit him he became extremely angry and spoke in no measured terms against everything in America. He was particularly He was particularly vexed because the transportation facilities were not as good in the interior as elsewhere. Franklin for the time being succeeded in smoothing his ruffled temper by offering to intervene with farmers and others so as to expedite matters for the proposed campaign. Franklin also thought it

* The population of the colonies at this date amounted to nearly 1,500,000, of which not quite 300,000 were blacks. The population of New France was hardly 100,000. See Bancroft, vol. ii., pp. 389-390.

† See, however, Bradley's characterization of Braddock, The Fight with France for North America, p. 82 et seq.

Bigelow (ed.) Life of Benjamin Franklin, vol. i., p. 322. See also the Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, vol. vi.; John T. Morse, Jr., Life of Benjamin Franklin, pp. 52-53; Doyle, Colonies under Hanover, pp. 448-449; Franklin's Autobiography edited by Bigelow, p. 240 et seq.;

89

"In con

would be well to tender Braddock a little advice as to the method of warfare in practice among the French and Indians, against whom the royal troops had now embarked. versation with him one day," says Franklin, he was giving me some account of his intended progress. 'After taking Fort Duquesne,' said he, 'I am to proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will allow time, and I suppose it will; for Duquesne can hardly detain me three or four days; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my march to Niagara.' Having before revolved in my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them through the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Illinois country, I had conceived some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventured only to say,To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, the fort, though completely fortified, and assisted with a very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your march is from the ambuscades of the Indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, near four miles

Weld, p. 224 et seq. Franklin's advertisement and proclamation are given in his Autobiography.

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WASHINGTON AIDS BRADDOCK.

long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attacked by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut, like a thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, cannot come up in time to support each other.' He smiled at my ignorance, and replied, 'These savages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia; but upon the king's regular and disciplined troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impression.' I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more."*

Meanwhile Braddock had prevailed upon Washington to act as his aide, the latter accepting the position as he thought it would be a splendid opportunity to study actual warfare under a scientific commander who had an established reputation in European wars. "The sole motive which invites me to the field," he says in a letter to one of his friends, "is the laudable desire of serving my country, not the gratification of any ambitious or lucrative plans. This, I flatter myself, will manifestly appear by my going as a volunteer without expectation of reward or prospect of obtaining a command, as I am confidently assured it is not in General

* Franklin's Autobiography, ed. by Weld, pp. 222-223; Bigelow, pp. 249-251; Sparks, p. 290; Ford, The Many-Sided Franklin, pp. 340–341; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. i., pp. 178-179. See also John Bigelow (ed.), Life of Benjamin Franklin, written by himself, vol. i., p. 425 (Philadelphia, 1884).

Braddock's power to give me a commission that I would accept.' accept.” * Braddock, however, was not too selfsatisfied to accept the advice of Washington as to the best manner of rapidly moving his troops into the interior. Washington, therefore, suggested that he send the light troops ahead, while the balance of the forces would follow under Colonel Thomas Dunbar. Braddock acted upon this suggestion, and suggestion, and shortly after the forces had started on their journey, 1,000 men being detached and sent to the rear, as it was found impossible to make rapid progress with such a large body of troops. He then set forth with 1,200 men and 10 field pieces. It is stated by many writers that he treated with great contempt Washington's advice as to the need of caution in regard to ambushes by the French and Indians.† In June

*Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 58; Johnson, General Washington, p. 41.

Fiske, however, says that such statements are incorrect, as Braddock was not absolutely a fool. He kept flanking parties out on each side of the column while scouts ranged the woods in all directions. He attributes the defeat to the fact that the British regulars did not know how to separate and fight under cover. He says that when the heads of the two opposing columns the French and English - met in the narrow woodland road the French separated and took to the woods while the English remained in a solid line in the road, thus becoming excellent targets for the French who shot from behind trees, etc.- New France and New England, p. 287 et seq. See also Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. i., p. 214; Bradley, The Fight with France for North America, p. 93. Doyle says that Braddock deemed it more honorable to be defeated "in conformity with orthodox methods" than to win by tactics which seemed to lack courage.- Colonies under Hanover, p. 451.

BRADDOCK'S ARMY AMBUSHED.

Washington was suddenly taken ill of a fever, and was compelled to remain behind at Youghiogheny, in charge of his friend, Dr. Craik; but on July 3, being anxious to rejoin the army, he set off and finally reached Braddock's camp on the 8th, Braddock having consumed more than a month in marching 100 miles and now being within 15 miles of Fort Duquesne.*

The attack upon the fort was to be made the next day. Washington requested Braddock's permission to send out the Virginia rangers to examine the dangerous passes through which they had yet to go, but this time Braddock angrily refused.† Washington often speaks with rapture of the spectacle he witnessed that day as the troops set out, with bayonets fixed, colors flying, and drums and fifes beating and playing. It was not until two o'clock that the troops had all passed the river. They then began their march up the rising ground, covered with long grass and bushes. The road through this region was only about 12 feet wide and flanked by two ravines, concealed by trees and thickets. Before the main body arrived, the advance guard was suddenly attacked; and, stricken with terror, they fired at random, and then fell back as Braddock pushed forward

Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 61. For a description of Fort Duquesne see Hazard's Pennsylvania Register, vol. viii., p. 318.

↑ Johnson. General Washington, p. 50; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. i., p. 203.

Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 62; Irving, pp. 204-205.

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THE ROUT OF BRADDOCK'S ARMY.

ing carried to the rear. Beside Braddock, Robert Orme and Roger Morris, his aides, and Sir Peter Halket and his son, were killed, while Washington was a constant target for the bullets of the enemy, four of which passed through his coat. He had two horses. killed under him.* Horatio Gates and General Thomas Gage, afterwards of note in the Revolution, were also severely wounded. The Virginia troops adapted themselves to the warfare of the hidden foes, but it was all in vain. The rout became complete, the troops fleeing in panic-stricken confusion, abandoning baggage, stores, artillery, to the enemy, who only consisted of a small detachment of 200 French and Canadian soldiers and some 600 Indians.† The English loss amounted to 26 officers killed and 36 wounded and about 700 soldiers among the dead and wounded; the loss of the French and Indians did not exceed 60 or 70. The survivors of the battle did not stop until they reached Colonel Dunbar and the rear guard.‡ Brad

Johnson, General Washington, pp. 57-58; Irving, vol. i., p. 210.

↑ Lodge, George Washington, vol. i., pp. 82–83. Johnson, General Washington, pp. 50-56. See also Winthrop Sargent (ed.), The History of the Expedition against Fort Duquesne, in 1755, under Major-general Edward Braddock; Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. i., pp. 187–233 and the authorities there cited; Bradley, The Fight with France for North America, pp. 92-104; Bancroft, vol. ii., pp. 419-425; Murray, British America, vol. i., p. 211; Smith, History of Canada, vol. i., p. 233; McMullen, Canada, pp. 116-119; T. G. Chapman, Braddock's Defeat, in Magazine of American History, vol. xvi., pp. 446-452; the letters and documents in Pennsylvania Archives (ed. Hazard) vol. ii., and in the Virginia His

dock died July 13, and Washington, in the absence of the chaplain, read the funeral service over his remains. "Who would have thought it?" were among his dying words,* and as he now realized that he had committed a fatal error, he apologized to Washington for his late conduct.† Dunbar and the balance of the troops hurried on to Fort Cumberland, and did not stop until they had reached Philadelphia.‡ "The whole transaction," as Franklin significantly observes, gave us the first suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British regular troops had not been well founded." ||

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Meanwhile Shirley had gone from Albany to Oswego, whence he proposed to embark for Niagara. He made slow progress, owing to the various hindrances incident to a region where roads had to be cut and rivers crossed, and the troops became weakened by sickness and demoralized by the news of Braddock's defeat. The death of Braddock raised Shirley to the rank of commander-in-chief of the king's troops in America. In the

torical Register, vol. v., pp. 120-141; Colonel James Smith's Account of Remarkable Occurrences, 1755-9 (Philadelphia, 1834); Tasse, Memoir of Charles de Langlade, in Wisconsin Historical Society Reports, 1876.

* Bigelow, Life of Franklin, vol. i., p. 327; Cooke, Virginia, p. 353.

† Franklin's Autobiography, edited by Weld, p. 225; Bigelow, p. 252; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. i., p. 214.

Parkman, Conspiracy of Pontiac, vol. i., pp.

101-114.

|| Bancroft, vol. ii., p. 425; Irving, Life of Washington, vol. i., p. 221.

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