Britain, at the expense of three aggressor; depositions regarding the affairs taken and sent to England to prove that the Americans were not at fault. At the same time the members of the Provincial Congress professed undiminished loyalty to the king, "appealed to heaven for the justice of [their] cause, and [determined] to die or be free." Everywhere the forts, magazines, and arsenals were seized by the people; troops were raised and organized into millions, has killed one hundred and fifty Yankees regiments; and an issue of paper this campaign—which is twenty thousand pounds a head; and at Bunker's Hill she gained a mile of ground, half of which she lost by our taking post on Ploughed Hill. During the same time sixty thousand children have been born in America. From this data his [Dr. Price's] mathematical head will easily calculate the time and expense necessary to kill us all, and conquer our whole territory."† Writing to another friend in England on the same date, he says: I am persuaded that the body of the British people are our friends; but they are changeable, and by your lying gazettes may soon be made our enemies. Our respect for them will proportionably diminish, and I see clearly we are on the highway to mutual enmity, hatred and detestation. A separation, of course, will be inevitable. We hear that more ships and troops are coming out. We know that you may do a great deal of mischief; but if you flatter yourselves with beating us into submission, you know neither the people nor the country.” ‡ * * * At the time of the affairs of Lexington and Concord, the Massachusetts Congress was in session. Measures were immediately instituted to ascertain which party had been the * Ibid, pp. 534–535. Ibid, pp. 539-540. Ibid. pp. 540-541. money was put forth to supply their wants.† Boston was soon besieged by an army of 16,000 men, who formed a line of encampment from Roxbury to the Mystic River. Artemas Ward was appointed captaingeneral of the troops from the neighboring colonies, who had also determined to support the people of Massachusetts with armed forces.‡ Numerous plans were now suggested by the various commanders for striking a serious blow at the English. Of the plans suggested, the most important was the capture of the forts at Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Immediately after his arrival at Cambridge, Benedict Arnold laid before the Massachusetts Committee of Public Safety a detailed statement of the condition at Ticonderoga, and proposed that an expedition be sent * Frothingham, Siege of Boston, p. 85. See Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. i., pp. 534-535. Bancroft, vol. iv., chap. xi.; Frothingham, Siege of Boston, chap. iii.; Heath's Memoirs, p. ii. (Abbatt's ed.). ALLEN AND ARNOLD START FOR TICONDEROGA. to capture both Ticonderoga and Crown Point.* John Brown of Pittsfield, Mass., in March, 1775, had also suggested this to Samuel Adams and Warren, saying "The fort at Ticonderoga must be seized as soon as possible, should hostilities be committed by the king's troops. The people in the New Hampshire grants have engaged to do this business and in my opinion they are the most proper persons for this job. This will effectually curb this province and all the troops that may be sent here."† The actual capture of the fort, however, was undertaken by Ethan Allent with a party of less than 300 * Isaac N. Arnold, Life of Benedict Arnold, p. 37, and the letter in Force, American Archives, 4th series, vol. ii., p. 450. See also Frothingham, Life of Warren, p. 474. Robinson, Vermont, p. 102. ‡A good story is told of the Vermont hero at a later date, when he was a prisoner on parole in New York. Rivington, the king's printer, had said some very severe and offensive things of the whigs in his Gazette, and Allen had declared with an oath that "he would lick him the very first opportunity he had." We quote Rivington himself for the rest of the story. "I was sitting," says he, "after a good dinner, alone, with my bottle of madeira before me, when I heard an unusual noise in the street, and a huzza from the boys. I was in the second story, and stepping to the window, saw a tall figure in tarnished regimentals, with a large cocked hat and an enormous long sword, followed by a crowd of boys, who occasionally cheered him with huzzas, of which he seemed insensible. He came up to my door and stopped. I could see no more. My heart told me it was Ethan Allen. I shut down my window, and retired behind my table and bottle. I was certain the hour of reckoning had come. There was no retreat. Mr. Staples, my clerk, came in paler than ever, and clasping his hands, said, 'Master, he is come!' 'I know it.' 'He entered the store and asked, if James Rivington lived there.' I answered, 'Yes, sir.' 'Is he at home?' 'I will go 345 men from his own neighborhood, known as the Green Mountain Boys.* Toward the middle of May Allen's troops were joined by Benedict Arnold, who had also set out on the same errand. On May 3 he had been given a colonel's commission by Massachusetts with instructions to raise 400 men in the western part of the State for the purpose of reducing Ticonderoga.† Arnold thought that his colonel's commission entitled him to the command; but the Vermonters refused to sanction his claims, and and see, sir,' I said. 'And now, master, what is other word, colonel. Taste this wine; I have had it in glass for ten years. Old wine, you know, unless it is originally sound, never improves by age.' He took the glass, swallowed the wine, smacked his lips, and shook his head approvingly. 'Sir, I come -' 'Not another word until you have taken another glass, and then, my dear Colonel, we will talk of old affairs, and I have some droll events to detail.' In short, we finished two bottles of madeira, and parted as good friends as if we had never had cause to be otherwise." -DePuy, Ethan Allen and the Green Mountain Heroes of 76, p. 262. See also Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. i., p. 508. 346 TICONDEROGA AND CROWN POINT CAPTURED. allowed Arnold the alternative of marching as a volunteer or not at all.* On the 9th of May the party arrived at Shoreham, opposite Ticonderoga. Having induced a boy, named Nathan Beman, to act as guide, Allen and Arnold with a party of 83 men crossed over the river during the night. Landing under the walls of the fort, they found their position extremely critical, for the dawn was beginning to break, and unless they could surprise the fort, they were in imminent danger of being captured. Drawing up his men, Allen explained to them the condition of affairs,† and upon receiving assurances of support from them, he, with Arnold by his side, immediately began the attack. The sentinel at the sally-port fired at the advancing troops and then rushed into the fort. Following close at his heels, and entering the open parade, the Americans awakened the garrison by several hearty cheers. Rushing below, the English soldiers were immediately taken prisoners. Meanwhile Allen was guided to the chamber of the commandant, Captain Delaplace, and knocking at the door with the hilt of his sword, ordered the commandant to make his appearance immediately or the entire garrison would be put to * Robinson, Vermont, pp. 107–108; Fiske, American Revolution, vol. i., p. 130; Lossing, FieldBook of the Revolution, vol. i., p. 124; Sparks, Life of Arnold, pp. 15–17. See his speech to them in Charles W. Brown, Ethan Allen of Green Mountain Fame, p. 84. Lossing, pp. 124-125; Robinson, Vermont, pp. 110-111. death. The commandant soon appeared at the door, half dressed," the pretty face of his frightened wife peering over his shoulder." He then asked Allen by what authority he was acting, to which Allen replied, “In the name of the great Jehovah and the Continental Congress!"* As Delaplace realized his predicament, he surrendered. "The spoils were one hundred and twenty pieces of iron cannon, fifty swivels, two ten-inch mortars, one howitzer, one cohorn, ten tons of musket balls, three cart-loads of flints, thirty new carriages, a considerable quantity of shells, a ware-house full of material for boat building, one hundred stand of small arms, ten casks of poor powder, two brass cannon, thirty barrels of flour, eighteen barrels of pork, and some beans and peas."† Two days afterward a force under Seth Warner surprised and captured Crown Point, and thus by these two movements, the command of Lakes George and Champlain was won, thereby throwing open the highway to Canada. The captured forts with all supplies were turned over to the Continental Congress, which body committed the custody of Ticonderoga to New York.‡ * Brown, Ethan Allen, pp. 84-88, 243-245. † Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. i., p. 125. Hildreth, vol. iii., pp. 74-76; Arnold, Life of Arnold, pp. 40-48; Bancroft, vol. iv., pp. 181183; Jones, New York in the Revolution, vol. i., pp. 543-551; Force, American Archives, 4th series, vol. ii., pp. 556, 584, 585, 606, 618, 623, 624, 639, 645-646, 668, 676, 686, 693, 698-699, 705-707, 715716, 719, 722, 731-737, 808, 839-840, 847, 1086. SECOND CONGRESS CONVENES; DIFFICULTIES BEFORE IT. 347 CHAPTER VIII. 1775. CONGRESS PREPARES FOR WAR: RESOLUTIONS FOR INDEPENDENCE. Second Continental Congress convenes― Difficulties before it — Various Addresses issued - Issue of money authorized - Affairs in New York - Washington appointed commander-in-chief — Other generals appointed - Other addresses issued - Franklin appointed Post-master-general - Traitorous conduct of Dr. Church - Indians lean toward the British side - Conference of the Americans with the Indians - Georgia sends delegates to Congress The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. Appendix to Chapter VIII.— I. A Declaration Setting Forth the Causes and Necessity of the Colonies Taking up Arms. II. Second Petition to the King. On May 10, 1775, the second Continental Congress convened at Philadelphia, Peyton Randolph being again chosen president and Charles Thomson secretary. Randolph, however, was obliged to return to Virginia, and in his place Hancock was appointed temporarily. When the first Continental Congress assembled there were apprehensions of war, but now the war had actually commenced; the crisis was at hand; the first offensive act must be approved; and preparations for a determined resistance must be pushed with vigor. At the same time, this must be done while the actors in the drama were full of ardor, for though the people were greatly inflamed by the untoward happenings of the past few years, it was feared that their ardor might cool, and thus the force of the movement which had been so carefully planned and carried out would be lost. On the other hand, there were a large number of Loyalists who believed that matters would not be pushed to an extremity either in this country or by Parliament. They hoped the petitions recently sent to England would have the desired effect of creating a disposition on the part of the English government to yield to the demands of the colonists. Again they hoped that the Americans would in time become tranquil and that the breach would be healed. As all hope of reconciliation had vanished, and as a state of war actually existed, it was feared that the Loyalists would resort to arms and join the royal forces sent to subjugate the colonies. It was also feared that some of the most ardent patriots would falter before impending disaster and loss, and weaken in their opposition to the parent government. ment. It was readily foreseen that the contest would prove long and san*On the proceedings see Frothingham, Rise of guinary, for it could not be expected the Republic, p. 419 et seq.; and the Journals of Congress. See Samuel Ward's Diary, in Magazine of American History, vol. i., p. 503; Fiske, American Revolution, vol. i., p. 132. that a people accustomed to the pursuits of agriculture and commerce would soon become inured to the pri 348 ADDRESSES AND PAPERS OF CONGRESS. vations and hardships of war, nor, in the face of a few disasters, remain constant in their affections to the cause. It was more natural to suppose that when the first fervor had abated, the majority would abandon their colors and implore the clemency of their more powerful adversary. For these reasons it was a difficult task for Congress to institute measures to maintain the zeal of the people, which at the same time would prove sufficiently effective to accomplish the desired object. Among the many difficult tasks was to determine the proper attitude with respect to Indians, for it was apprehended that the English would offer them large inducements to join in the war against the Americans. To offset such inducements, the colonists had little to offer.* The members of Congress were anxious to preserve a conciliatory attitude toward the home government, and therefore instructed Jefferson to prepare An Humble and Dutiful Address" to the king. Jefferson's draft was considered too vigorous,† and a second paper was drawn up by Dickinson, and after some opposition * See Curtis, History of the Constitution, vol. i., pp. 30-41 (Constitutional History, vol. i., p. 18 et seq.), where the position of the Second Continental Congress and the formation and character of the revolutionary government are ably discussed. See Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. i., Pp. 16-17. John T. Morse, Jr., Thomas Jefferson, pp. 2728; Parton, Life of Thomas Jefferson, pp. 169171. For Dickinson's life see Stillé, Life and Times of John Dickinson, the sketch of his life by Wharton Dickinson in Magazine of American His on the part of the New England members,* was finally adopted. Addresses to the People of Great Britain, to the People of Ireland, and to the "Oppressed Inhabitants of Canada were also drafted, and a day of fasting and prayer appointed.† According to Pitkin, "These papers breathed the same ardent love of liberty, contained the same dignified sentiments, evinced the same determined purpose of soul, and the same consciousness of the justice of their cause, as those of the former session. Nor were they couched in language less bold and energetic, on the subject of their rights, or less affectionate towards those to whom they were addressed." ‡ tory, vol. x., p. 223; P. L. Ford, The Writings of John Dickinson; and the paper by George H. Moore in Magazine of American History, vol. viii., pp. 514-516. See also the review of his writings in Tyler, Literary History of the American Revolution, vol. ii., chap. xxv. *Adams says: "All this appeared to Mr. Adams as the merest drivel, at the expense of much valuable time for preparation."-Life and Works of John Adams, vol. i., p. 172. Hildreth, vol. iii., pp. 77-78; Bancroft, vol. iv., p. 200. See also Journals of Congress, vol. i., pp. 100-168; Henry, Life of Patrick Henry, vol. i., p. 304; Pellew, John Jay, p. 45. See also Gordon's American Revolution, vol. ii., p. 231. At about this time Franklin wrote to Priestly as previously quoted: "I conclude that England has lost her colonies forever. She has begun to burn our seaport towns; secure, I suppose, that we shall never be able to return the outrage in kind. She may doubtless destroy them all; but, if she wishes to recover our commerce, are these the probable means? She must certainly be distracted; for no tradesman out of Bedlam ever thought of increasing the number of his customers by knocking them on the head; or of enabling them to pay their debts by burning their houses. If she wishes to have us subjects, and that we should submit to her as our compound sovereign, she is now giving us such miserable |