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were concerned, and prior to this time, there had been no wide-spread agitation on topics of common importance to all; the fires of popular eloquence had not been kindled and fanned into a blaze of light until the attempt was made to coerce the colonies into submitting to taxation taxation without representation. Undoubtedly, England had acted both foolishly and ignorantly; for even though she yielded to the colonists, this was done so ungraciously as to deprive her relinquishment of the claim to tax the colonies of all its real value by reasserting the absolute power of Parliament to bind the colonies in all cases and under all circumstances whatsoever. This phase of the matter had not escaped the notice of the Americans, and the political leaders in the colonies were too astute not to grasp the point and show the discrepancy between giving up a claim and asserting Parliament's right to similar exactions whenever that body choose to make them.

At this time there were a number of eminent statesmen and orators in America displaying signal ability who were destined subsequently to become still more famous. It seems best; therefore, that we speak of them a little more fully here. Probably the greatest number of these political leaders came from the three colonies of Virginia, Massachusetts, and South Carolina." In Virginia, there were particularly distinguished, after Patrick Henry, whom we have already

repeatedly noticed, and who held the first place as a popular champion and favorite, Edmund Pendleton, a graceful and persuasive speaker, a subtle and dexterous politician, energetic and indefatigable in the conduct of business; Richard Bland, celebrated for the extent and accuracy of his knowledge, unrivalled among his contemporaries as a logician, and who published this year an Inquiry into the Rights of the British Colonies, in which the recent claims of America were defended with much cogency of reasoning;* George Wythe, not more admired for the strength of his capacity and the elegance of his wit, than respected for the simplicity and integrity of his character; Peyton Randolph, whose high repute and influence with his countrymen, unaided by the captivation of eloquence, was founded on qualities more honorable both to him and to them, the solid powers of his understanding and the sterling virtues of his heart; and Richard Henry Lee, one of the most accomplished scholars and orators in America, and who America, and who was commonly styled the Virginian Cicero. Washington who, since the reduction of Fort Duquesne in 1758, had withdrawn from military life, and never quitted his domestic scene but to discharge the duties of a member of the Virginia Assembly, now calmly but firmly espoused the cause of his native country in opposition to the pre

* Tyler, Literary History of the American Revolution, vol. i., p. 230.

sense.

Various other individuals, who have gained renown as defenders of the liberty and founders of the independence of America, began, shortly after this period, to be distinguished in the list of Virginian politicians; of whom the most remarkable was Thomas Jefferson, preeminent as a statesman, scholar, and philosopher; a forcible, perspicuous, and elegant writer; an intrepid and enterprising patriot; and an ardent and inflexible asserter of republican sentiments and all the principles of purest democracy. None of his contemporaries exceeded him in politeness and benignity of manner; and few approached him in earnestness of temper and firmness of purpose. This rare combination of moral qualities enhanced the efficacy of his talent and genius, and greatly contributed to the ascendancy he obtained over the minds of his countrymen. From the very dawn of the controversy between Britain and America, Jefferson, and his friend and patron, Wythe, out

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stripped the political views of most of the contemporary American patriots, and embraced the doctrine which ascribed indeed to the crown some prerogative, but denied to the Parliament any degree or species of legitimate control over America. Arthur, the brother of Richard Henry Lee, and afterwards ambassador from America to France, was at this time pursuing the study of the law in London, but more actively engaged, as a gratuitous coadjutor of Dr. Franklin, in watching the measures of the British government; and rendered important service to his countrymen by transmitting early intelligence of the ministerial plans and purposes.

"In Massachusetts, at the present epoch, the most distinguished popular leaders and champions of the cause of America were James Otis, who has already engaged our observation; Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Thomas Cushing, and James Bowdoin, merchants; Samuel Cooper, a clergyman; Josiah Quincy, Jr., and Robert Treat Paine, lawyers; and John Winthrop, Professor of Mathematics in Harvard College. Samuel Adams was one of the most perfect models of disinterested patriotism, and of republican genius and character in all its severity and simplicity, that any age or country has ever produced. At Harvard College, in the year 1743, he made an early display of those political sentiments which he cherished through life, by maintaining, in the thesis which gained him

his literary degree, that it is lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth cannot otherwise be preserved.' A sincere and devout Puritan in religion, grave in his manners, austerely pure in his morals, simple, frugal, and unambitious in his tastes, habits, and desires; zealously and incorruptibly devoted to the de fence of American liberty, and the improvement of American character; endowed with a strong, manly understanding, an unrelaxing earnestness and inflexible firmness of will and purpose, a capacity of patient and intense application which no labor could exhaust, and a calm and determined courage which no danger could daunt and no disaster depress,- he rendered his virtues more efficacious by the instrumentality of great powers of reasoning and eloquence, and altogether supported a part and exhibited a character of which every description, even the most frigid that has been preserved, wears the air of panegyric. * His moral sentiments ever mingled with his political views and opinions; and his constant aim was rather to deserve the esteem of mankind by honesty and virtue than to obtain it by supple compliance and flattery." In his personal affairs he was rather shiftless. He had no ability in anything save politics, had failed in the malting business and was careless with his money. His house was dilapidated, and when and when elected to Congress his friends furnished the money to buy clothes so

*

that he might look presentable. His lack of business ability is seen in his failure to collect and turn over a large part of the taxes committed to him, for which he was sued by the city treasurer, and only rescued from prison by the action of the town meeting and the legislature. This lapse was readily forgiven by the patriots, but the loyalists made the most of it, as they did of the smuggling charges against Hancock. "Poor without desiring to be rich, he subsequently filled the highest offices in the State of Massachusetts, without making the slightest augmentation to his fortune; and after an active, useful and illustrious life, in which all the interests of the individual were merged in regard and care for the community, he died without obtaining or desiring any other reward than the consciousness of virtue and integrity, the contemplation of his country's happiness, and the respect and veneration of his fellow-citizens. It has been censoriously remarked of him by the severer critics of his history

that his character was superior to his genius, and that his mind was much more elevated and firm than liberal and expansive. In all his sentiments, religious and political, no doubt, there appeared some tincture of those peculiar principles and qualities which formed the original and distinctive character of the people of New England; and he was much more impressed with the worth and piety, than sensible of or superior to the