no advices from Frankfort relative to the proceedings in the Diet the day before yesterday. The Prussian Minister has, however, received a despatch stating that the Report of the United Committee had been presented to the Diet. The tenor of the Report is that the Danish Patent of September 25, 1859, and Finance Law of 1860, being illegal, because they were issued without the consent of the Holstein States, Denmark should be required to adhere to the resolution of the Diet of March 8, 1860. If the report is adopted, 6 weeks will be allowed to Denmark to reply. The version taken from the Danish papers, which I sent to your Lordship last night, is different, it being therein stated that the vote had taken place, and the inference to be drawn naturally was that Denmark had only 6 weeks, from the 17th instant, to decide. Lord J. Russell. I have, &c. A. PAGET. No. 108. Mr. Ward to Lord J. Russell.—(Received January 25.) MY LORD, Hamburgh, January 23, 1861. DURING the last fortnight the prevailing excitement in Holstein has been increased by the publication of the proceedings of the Federal Diet on the 17th instant, which render the appearance of an army of execution in the Duchy more likely than ever, and by the intelligence of the active preparations for war now making at Copenhagen. The recommendation of the Federal Committee to the Diet to enforce the resolution of the 8th of March, 1860,* leaves little doubt that the Federal body will not allow itself to be much longer trifled with; and although an impression is prevalent that Denmark will, at the last moment, make some apparent concessions as a pretext for delay, it seems impossible for the Germanic body to recede upon the question of principle, for the real point at issue is not so much whether Holstein shall, in the current year, contribute 100,000 dollars more or less to the general wants of the Monarchy, but whether the States of the Duchy shall, or not, have a decisive voice as regards their own finances, and the management of their internal affairs. An incident has occurred of a nature calculated to increase the unpopularity of the Government, and to add to the uneasiness of men's minds in the Duchy. The Danish Minister for Holstein and Lauenburg has, by an Ordinance dated the 16th of January instant suppressed the German National Society, and prohibited its meetings within both Duchies, on the ground that at a meeting of the * Page 802. Society, held at Kiel on the 13th preceding, it had been unanimously resolved to agitate, not only for the closest accession to Centralized Germany, but for the restoration of the union between the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein. It appears that the German National Society (which has been working for the last two years in most of the German States for national unity, and the establishment of a central power under Prussia instead of the Federal Diet) has a branch also in Holstein, and that its members have taken the opportunity of the present political conjuncture to raise the demand for a revival of the ancient connection between the two Duchies. They have insisted also upon various reforms applicable to their internal condition, such as a revision of the Electoral Law, the cessation of all arbitrary acts of power on the part of the Administration, the liberty of the press, and the restoration to the inhabitants of the right of petition and of public meetings, declaring, however, at the same time, that these reforms would be worthless without national independence, and the complete political union of the Duchies. The reformers in Holstein are, of course, well aware that, in so far as they aim at the union of the Duchies, their object is contrary to the existing stipulations between Denmark and the Germanic Confederation, and contrary to the rule of separation between the Duchies established by the Royal authority in pursuance of those stipulations. But the reformers expressly state in their programme that they will operate by legal means only, in the same way as the National Society aims at the realization by legitimate means, throughout Germany, of the idea of the political unity of the common country. Without entering here into the technical question whether the meeting at Kiel on the 13th January was, or not, a violation of the local law, it may suffice here to observe that the terror of the Government at a meeting of such a kind is a proof of the very unsound state of things within the Duchy; for it is obvious that if the Danish Ducal Crown reposed upon the attachment and confidence of the people, meetings for effecting changes in the constitution of the monarchy might take place without inspiring any real uneasiness or apprehension to the Executive Government. The naval and military armaments which Denmark is now engaged in raising, are doubtless well known to your Lordship. It is not believed here that those armaments are prepared with the view of offering any resistance to a Federal army in Holstein, but they are considered merely as destined for the eventuality of hostilities extending beyond the Eider. However this may be, I much fear the complications of this long-standing Schleswig-Holstein question are such that it will only be found possible to settle them permanently by reconstituting the Danish monarchy upon Federal principles, and by parting the two nationalities, so as to enable each of them to live and develop itself separately in peace, without encroaching upon the other's liberties and rights. Lord J. Russell. I have, &c. J. WARD. No. 109.-Sir A. Malet to Lord J. Russell.-(Received January 27.) MY LORD, Frankfort, January 23, 1861. WITH reference to my despatch of the 18th instant, and the précis therein contained of the conclusion of M. von der Pfordten's report to the Diet on the pending question of the Danish Duchies, I am now enabled to transmit to your Lordship a translation of the text of that report. I have, &c. Lord J. Russell. (Translation.) A. MALET. (Inclosure.)-Report. January 17, 1861. THE United Committees (those of Execution and for the Constitutional Affairs of Holstein) proposed to the Diet to decree as follows: 1st. To declare that the Royal Patent of September 25, 1859, and all Ordinances derived from it,* concerning the Budget of the Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg, are to be considered as void, as long as they have not obtained the consent of the Constituted States of those Duchies. 2nd. To summon the Royal Ducal Government to give a positive declaration whether they will fulfil the prescriptions of the Federal Decree of 8th March, 1860, concerning the establishment of a "Provisorium" for the said Duchies.† 3rd. To fall back on the Federal Decree of the 12th August, 1858, in case the Royal-Ducal Government does not give a satisfactory declaration of that nature within 6 weeks. The Assembly resolved upon voting these propositions on the 7th February. Remarks.-There has been no mention made in the proposition of the "Definitivum." The report preceding them, however, * Including the Financial Law of July 3 for Holstein and Lauenburg, con. cerning the common expenses of the monarchy, and the shares of those Duchies to cover them. + No. I, c 1 and 2 of the Decree of March 8, 1860: "c 1. That for all affairs concerning the Duchies of Holstein and Lauenburg, only the Royal Notification of January 28, 1852, is to be considered as decisive. "c 2. That all motions for laws regarding common affairs of the monarchy, especially financial ones, which are brought before the Reichsrath, shall be laid also before the States of the Duchies, and must have their approval. The Diet shall consider any laws given in contradiction to these conditions as illegal for the Duchies." points out that the Royal-Ducal Government remains at all events, even when fulfilling the conditions about a Constitutional Provisional State, under the obligation to arrange the constitutional condition of the two Duchies, according to the Conventions made in 1851 and 1852, between Denmark on the one side, and Austria and Prussia, and the Confederation on the other, in a definitive manner. No. 111.-M. Hall to M. de Bille.-(Communicated to Lord J. Russell by M. de Bille, January 28.) MONSIEUR, Copenhague, le 19 Janvier, 1861. IL serait inutile d'entrer dans les détails d'un incident qui à présent est passé dans le domaine de l'histoire. Dans sa dépêche du 8 Décembre dernier à Mr. William Lowther, Lord John Russell a donné, il est vrai, soit au caractère général soit à la portée de plusieurs points des propositions Danoises, une interprétation qui n'était ni dans mes pensées ni dans mes paroles à Mr. Paget. Pourtant je ne regrette pas cette méprise, d'autant moins que le Cabinet de Berlin ayant repoussé même dans ces suppositions la base que l'Angleterre lui avait soumise, il est devenu évident à tout le monde que la Prusse ne veut pas que cette malencontreuse affaire se vide d'une manière pacifique. Je vous ai déjà invité, Monsieur, à témoigner à sa Seigneurie notre reconnaissance de la bonne volonté qui l'a conduite à essayer cette tentative. Mais plus encore, le Gouvernement du Roi doit au Cabinet Britannique ses remerciments sincères de la manière ferme et précise dont il a fait connaître à M. de Schleinitz ses vues sur les prétensions mises en avant par l'Allemagne à l'égard du Slesvig. C'est avec une bien vive satisfaction que je constate le parfait accord qui existe à ce sujet entre nos deux Cours. Bien que l'Acte Final qui termine et résume les négociations de 1851 ne contienne aucun mot relativement au Slesvig, il n'en est pas moins vrai que dans la correspondance précédente le Gouvernement du Roi avait déclaré que le Slesvig, conserverait sa législature et son administration pour ses affaires provinciales. S'il n'y a pas là, à proprement parler, d'engagement formel, il y a pourtant des intentions déclarées qui tiennent de la nature d'une transaction internationale, et le Gouvernement du Roi se croira lié en honneur à les respecter, tant que de son côté l'Allemagne ne se dédit pas de ses promesses. Aussi le Gouvernement s'est abstenu scrupuleusement de porter la moindre atteinte à l'autonomie accordée au Slesvig. La protection dont jouirait la langue et la nationalité Allemandes dans le Slesvig ne fut pas mentionnée dans la correspondance [1860-61. LI.] 3 G diplomatique, mais elle a été promise dans l'Ordonnance Royale du 28 Janvier, 1852. Cette Proclamation adressée aux sujets ne perd pas son caractère de disposition intérieure parce qu'elle a été portée à la connaissance des Puissances étrangères qui, par l'intérêt qu'elles avaient voué au développement de nos affaires, avaient bien acquis le droit d'être instruites d'un si importante mesure. Pour la Diète de Francfort la communication de cette Ordonnance n'a d'autant moins pu créer un droit international quelconque de s'ingérer dans les affaires intérieures du Slesvig et d'exercer un contrôle insupportable sur son administration, que le Ministre du Roi, en lui communiquant cette pièce, ajouta expressément que la Diète y apprendrait nommément la position que le Gouvernement du Roi se proposait d'accorder au Holstein dans l'organisation de la Monarchie. Mais le Roi n'est pas moins lié en honneur par la foi sacrée de sa parole à l'égard du Slesvig, ne fût-elle jamais portée qu'à la connaissance de ses sujets. Seulement l'Allemagne, dont l'action et l'intervention s'arrêtent là où le territoire Fédéral finit, n'a aucun droit de se faire le juge de l'accomplissement de cette intention Royale, moins encore de vouloir l'arracher par la force, soit ouvertement dans une guerre, soit de la manière plus detournée d'une Exécution Fédérale. C'est ce que sa Seigneurie a parfaitement exprimé dans sa dépêche : "Ni dans la forme ni dans la substance ces promesses, telles que le Gouvernement de Sa Majesté les comprend, n'ont donné à l'Autriche et la Prusse ou à la Confédération le droit de s'ingérer dans les détails de l'Administration de ce Duché Danois du Slesvig. Si le Slesvig était incorporé dans le Royaume, s'il était privé de sa constitution séparée, l'Allemagne pourrait prétendre au droit d'intervenir. Mais si le réglement des affaires de toute église et de toute école dans le Slesvig pouvait donner lieu à l'intervention de la Confédération Germanique, il est évident que les droits de Souveraineté du Roi n'existeraient plus que de nom." Mais tout en se félicitant de cette reconnaissance puissante de son droit, le Gouvernement du Roi n'oubliera pas non plus l'obligation que lui imposent et la promesse donnée par le Roi à ses sujets et l'intérêt supérieur de la Monarchie qui recommande de ne pas laisser à l'esprit factieux un terrain favorable dans le Slesvig. J'espère que Lord John Russell aura vu comment le Gouvernement du Roi, même dans les circonstances actuelles et vis-à-vis des prétentions Prussiennes reproduites avec d'autant moins de réserve que l'Angleterre les a énergiquement désapprouvées, a poursuivi la voie toute de modération et de conciliation qu'il s'est tracée. Je vous prie, Monsieur, d'expliquer à sa Seigneurie le |