“La” formation du radicalisme philosophique: la Révolution et la doctrine de l'utilité (1789-1815) |
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2e éd Adam Smith anglais bonheur Book VIII Bowring Brougham Burke chap choses cipe Condorcet considère constitution d'Adam démocratique disciple doctrine économique Edinburgh Review first fonde Godwin gouvernement government Graham Wallas great Hartley Helvétius hommes humaine Hume Ibid idées individuelle individus institutions James Mill Jeremy Bentham John Mill l'économie politique l'homme l'idée l'identification l'identité naturelle législation lettre libéralisme Life lois lord Lansdowne Mackintosh Malthus ment morale nation nationale nature naturelle des intérêts nécessaire nombre Paley Panopticon pauvres physiocrates Pitt Political Poor population Priestley principe de l'identité principe de l'utilité problème produit progrès propriété quantité radicalisme philosophique raison réforme rente Révolution Révolution française Revue d'Édimbourg Ricardo Rights Robert Owen Romilly salaires science sera seulement sir Francis Burdett social société state Stuart Mill subsistance système tham théorie things Thomas Paine time tion tique travail utilitaire Westminster whig Wilberforce William Godwin Works
Popular passages
Page 345 - The nature of man is intricate, the objects of society are of the greatest possible complexity, and therefore no simple disposition or direction of power can be suitable either to man's nature or to the quality of his affairs.
Page 345 - ... loss to decide that the artificers are grossly ignorant of their trade or totally negligent of their duty. The simple governments are fundamentally defective, to say no worse of them. If you were to contemplate society in but one point of view all these simple modes of polity are infinitely captivating. In effect each would answer its single end much more perfectly than the more complex is able to attain all its complex purposes. But it is better that the whole should be imperfectly and anomalously...
Page 336 - They have a right to the fruits of their industry, and to the means of making their industry fruitful. They have a right to the acquisitions of their parents ; to the nourishment and improvement of their offspring ; to instruction in life, and to consolation in death. Whatever each man can separately do, without trespassing upon others, he has a right to do for himself ; and he has a right to a fair portion of all which society, with all its combinations of skill and force, can do in his favour.
Page 345 - In your old states you possessed that variety of parts corresponding with the various descriptions of which your community was happily composed ; you had all that combination, and all that opposition of interests, you had that action and counteraction which, in the natural and in the political world, from the reciprocal struggle of discordant powers, draws out the harmony of the universe.
Page 336 - In every arduous enterprise we consider what we are to lose as well as what we are to gain, and the more and better stake of liberty every people possess the less they will hazard in a vain attempt to make it more. These are the cords of man. Man acts from adequate motives relative to his interest, and not on metaphysical speculations.
Page 369 - Magna Charta, the Petition of Right, the Habeas Corpus Act, and the Bill of Rights.
Page 349 - A single act of justice is frequently contrary to public interest ; and were it to stand alone, without being followed by other acts, may in itself be very prejudicial to society. When a man of merit, of a beneficent disposition, restores a great fortune to a miser or a seditious bigot, he has acted justly and laudably, but the public is a real sufferer.
Page 339 - If they had set up this new experimental government, as a necessary substitute for an expelled tyranny, mankind would anticipate the time of prescription, which, through long usage, mellows into legality governments that were violent in their commencement.
Page 336 - The moment you abate anything from the full rights of men, each to govern himself, and suffer any artificial, positive limitation upon those rights, from that moment the whole organization of government becomes a consideration of convenience.
Page 360 - But in the case of the farmer and the labourer, their interests are always the same, and it is absolutely impossible that their free contracts can be onerous to either party.