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on the troops in Boston, as, if successful it would not only give great eclat to the American arms, but perhaps induce Great Britain to abandon all idea of reducing the colonies to submission by force, and to offer them such terms as they could safely accept. General Washington too was in favor of an attack before the British received those reinforcements which were to be counted on in the spring,

Preparations were accordingly begun for the enterprise in December; and in February, when the ice was thick and firm enough to bear the troops, Washington resolved on making the bold experiment. His council of war were, however, almost unanimously opposed to him, and the attack was abandoned. But he decided on taking possession of Dorchester Heights near the isthmus of Roxbury, from which commanding position, should the enemy attempt to drive him, a general action would be brought on; and this he greatly desired. He succeeded in getting possession of these Heights on the second of March, 1776. It was now evident to the British that they must either dislodge the Americans from this post, from which the ships in the harbor and the troops in the town would at once be so annoyed, or that they must evacuate the town. The first alternative was preferred. Washington's plan was to avail himself of the attack of the Heights by the British to enter the town, by troops transported to Boston by water. A storm, however, prevented the meditated attack of Dorchester Heights, and Lord Howe then decided on evacuating the town, which took place on the seventeenth of March, and which the besieging army had no means of preventing. Many of those who had adhered to their cause found it prudent to withdraw from the resentment

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of their countrymen by going with the British. They proceeded to Halifax in Nova Scotia.

A vote of thanks was passed by Congress to General Washington and the troops under him for their services on this occasion. The forces under Washington at this time were between fourteen and fifteen thousand.

The British force was said not to exceed nine thousand healthy and effective men. The number of American adherents who went off with them was estimated at fifteen hundred.

On the seventh of June, Richard Henry Lee moved, in conformity with the instructions from the Virginia Convention, a declaration that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and Great Britain was totally dissolved that measures should be immediately taken for procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and that a confederation be formed to bind the colonies more closely together.

Though the subject of independence had often been freely discussed throughout all the colonies, and it was earnestly desired every where, by bold, ardent, and sanguine tempers, yet the measure was very far from being universally approved. There was a great number who, while they were unwilling to encounter popular odium, or at least, suspicion, by openly opposing independence, were not yet willing to separate themselves from a union which was, on so many accounts, endeared to them; and a yet greater number, perhaps, who were reconciled to that measure, but thought it was premature, and to be undertaken, if at all, when the minds of the people were

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more thoroughly prepared for the contest, and when they had a certain prospect of foreign aid.

The subject was fully debated in Congress, and the substance of the arguments on both sides are given by a member, who, taking no part in the debate himself, was able to make a full report of all that was urged by the speakers on both sides. According to his report the arguments for the opponents of independence were:

That though they were friends to independence themselves, being convinced of the impossibility of being again united with Great Britain, they objected to the proposed measure at this time.

That according to their previous policy, they had taken no important step until it had been previously suggested by the voice of the people. This constituted their strength, and without it those measures could not be carried into effect.

That the people of the middle colonies were not yet ready to bid adieu to British connection--but soon would be.

That the resolution of the fifteenth of May for suppressing the exercise of all powers derived from the Crown had shown, by the ferment it had excited in those colonies, that they were not yet prepared for a separation: and that some of them had expressly forbidden their delegates to consent to such declaration — and none of these had given express authority to make it: that if the delegates of any colony had no such power, the other colonies could not do it for them.

That in New York, Pennsylvania, Jersey and Delaware their several Conventions were either now sitting, or soon would be, and would probably declare their wishes on the subject of independence.

That if a declaration were now agreed to, those dele

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[CHAP. II. gates must retire, and possibly their colonies might secede from the union; and that such a secession would weaken them more than any foreign alliance could compensate. That such a division might, moreover, either prevent foreign states from joining the colonies, or having placed themselves in the power of those states, by that desperate declaration, they would insist on much harder terms.

That the colonies have as yet little reason to expect an alliance with those to whom they had been looking. Both France and Spain would be jealous of that rising power which would one day certainly strip them of their American possessions. It was therefore more likely they would form a connection with Great Britain, who, if unable otherwise to extricate themselves from present difficulties, would agree to a partition of her American territories, restoring Canada to France, and Florida to Spain, to secure a recovery of those colonies. But that it would not be long before they would receive information concerning France from their agent. If her disposition were favorable, by waiting the event of the present campaign, which it was hoped would be successful, they might expect an alliance on better terms; and that this postponement would, from the advance of the season, and the distance from Europe, delay no effectual aid.

That it was prudent in the colonies to determine before-hand the terms on which they would form an alliance, before they declared they would form one. If these terms were agreed on, and their Declaration of Independence were ready when their ambassador was prepared to sail, it would then be as well as to make it now.

On the other side, it was urged

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That no one was absolutely opposed to a declaration of independence, or supposed the connection with Great Britain could be renewed, but they differed only as to time.

That the question is, not whether the colonies should declare themselves to be what they are not, but whether they should declare a fact that already existed.

That as to the people or Parliament of England, the colonies had always been independent: their restraints on colonial trade deriving efficacy only from acqui

escence.'

That our connection had been federal only, and was now dissolved by actual hostilities.

'That as to the king, though the colonies had been bound to him by allegiance, that bond was dissolved by the late act of Parliament, which declares the colonies out of his protection, and by levying war on themallegiance and protection being reciprocal.

That James the Second never declared the people of England out of his protection-yet as his acts proved it, Parliament declared it: the delegates thus have the power to declare an existent truth.

That the delegates from Delaware having declared their constituents ready to join-there were only Maryland and Pennsylvania whose delegates were tied up— their constituents having merely reserved to themselves the right of confirming or rejecting the measure: but that the instructions from Pennsylvania were drawn nearly a year ago, since which the face of affairs had totally changed. It had now become evident that Britain had determined to accept nothing less than unconditional submission.

That the people wait for Congress to lead the way: that they are in favor of the measure, though the instruc