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ment against the Queen, if not initiated, was encouraged and supported by the representative of this Government at Honolulu; that he promised in advance to aid her enemies in an effort to overthrow the Hawaiian Government and set up by force a new Government in its place and that he kept these promises by causing a detachment of troops to be landed from the Boston on Jan. 16, and by recognizing the provisional Government the next day

"On your arrival you will take advantage of the earliest opportunity to inform the Queen of this. Make known to her the President's position regarding the reprehensible conduct of the American Minister and the presence on land of the United States forces. Advise her of the desire of this Government to do justice and to undo this wrong. You will, however, at the same time inform the Queen that the President expects that she will extend amnesty to all who were against her * depriving them of no right or privilege. Having secured the Queen's agreement you will advise the Executive of the Provisional Government and his Ministers that they are expected to re# 99 *

store her constitutional authority Mr. Willis on November 13 interviewed the queen but she would not fully agree to the President's terms, claiming that the offenders should at least be banished and their property confiscated. But President Cleveland threatened to withdraw his influence altogether and the queen on December 18 signed an agreement that if restored to power she would extend complete amnesty to all her enemies, abide by the constitution of 1887 and assume all the obligations incurred by the provisional government. Willis then attempted to procure the abdication of the provisional government, but President Dole refused to entertain the

*For complete text see Snow, Treaties and Topics, pp. 388-389.

On the subject of the queen's restoration see Foreign Relations, 1894, app. ii., 1189-1292. See also Snow, pp. 391-392; Carpenter, America in Hawaii, pp. 208-216; Young, Real Hawaii, pp. 260-270.

proposition of the President of the United States," denying" the right of the United States to interfere in the internal affairs of a de facto independent government, whose sovereignty they had recognized by twice accrediting ministers to it, and with which they had negotiated a treaty,”* and "respectfully and unhesitatingly" refused" to surrender its authority to the ex-queen."

President Cleveland on December 18, 1893, submitted to Congress the report of Willis's first interview together with all the other papers in the case asking its coöperation. The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, after an exhaustive investigation, on February 26, 1894, submitted three separate reports. The majority report approved of nearly everything that had been done with the exception of the acts of Stevens in declaring the protectorate and raising the flag. The four Republican Senators submitted a minority report censuring the appointment of Blount and the actions of Blount and Willis. The other Democratic members of the Committee || presented a minority re

Carpenter, America in Hawaii, pp. 216-224; Young, Real Hawaii, pp. 270-271; Liliuokalani, Hawaii's Story, pp. 243-251. This was all right at this time but the policy of "hands off" should have been pursued in the first place according to former usage and the terms of our treaties.-Woolsey, America's Foreign Policy, pp. 119–129.

Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. ix., pp. 460-472; Foreign Relations, 1894, app. ii., pp. 267, 445, 1193, 1241, 1285; Carpenter, pp. 206-208.

Signed by Senator Morgan, Democrat, chair. man of the Committee, and Senators Sherman, Fry, Dolph, and Davis, Republicans.

Butler, Turpie, Daniel and Gray.


port censuring all the actions of Stevens.* No further action was taken in the matter at this time.

Order had now been restored in the islands and in July, 1894, the United States naval force was withdrawn by order of President Cleveland. Convinced that annexation was now only a matter of time and of partisan politics, the Hawaiians formed a permanent government and proclaimed themselves a republic, July 4, 1894, with Sanford B. Dole as president. But the adherents of the queen did not quietly accede to the new order of things, and on January 6, 1895, a revolt broke out which was quickly suppressed. The queen was imprisoned on the 16th and on the 24th abdicated.|| On February 27 she was sentenced to a fine of $5,000 and imprisonment for five years at hard labor, but the sentence was never executed, the confinement in prison lasting for eight months only, she being released on parole September 6. The naval force

Snow, Treaties and Whittle's Cleveland, pp. p. 232 et seq.

Topics, pp. 392-394;

186-198; Carpenter, 186-198; Carpenter,

Lucien Young, in the preface of his The Real Hawaii, says that he submitted the manuscript of his book to Cleveland's Secretary of the Navy for inspection in compliance with the rules of the navy department but "was forbidden to publish it." John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy under McKinley, when the Republicans came into power, gave the necessary permission, as it was a defense of Stevens and Wiltse, whom the Republicans favored. As a piece of partisan politics, this conduct was on a plane with Long's acquiescence in the attack on Schley in Maclay's History of the United States Navy.

Foreign Relations, 1894, app. ii., pp. 13111319, 1350.

Carpenter, America in Hawaii, pp. 230-232; Young, Real Hawaii, pp. 273-280; Liliuokalani, Hawaii's Story, pp. 262-299.


which had been withdrawn was thereupon reëstablished. In October, 1896, the queen was pardoned and then took up her residence in Washington that she might more closely watch and oppose legislation for annexation.

The Republican party in its platform of 1896 form of 1896 declared that "the Hawaiian Islands should be controlled by the United States, and no foreign power should be permitted to interfere with them." with them." Consequently upon the election of McKinley, the application for annexation was renewed. A treaty was then drawn up and signed by Secretary Sherman on June 16, 1897, its provisions being similar to the treaty of 1893 withdrawn from the Senate by Cleveland, but this treaty did not provide for any compensation or annuities to ex-Queen Liliuokalani and the heir-apparent.* President McKinley submitted this treaty to the Senate on June 16, 1897,† and a long debate ensued. Finding that the twothirds majority necessary to ratification could not be obtained in the Senate, a joint resolution, which would only require a majority vote, was introduced in both branches of Congress.

In the meantime war had broken out between Spain and the United States

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and as the Hawaiian Islands were considered a strategic base of supplies for the United States forces, added importance was given to the subject of annexation.* Consequently the House passed the joint resolution by a large majority and on July 6, 1898, the Senate, after some difficulty, also succeeded in passing it.† President McKinley then signed the bill on the 7th and the annexation was an accomplished fact, the formal transfer taking place at Honolulu August 12, 1898, Commissioners were then appointed to investigate conditions and suggest legislation. On June 14, 1900, the islands were organized into a regularly constituted territory of the United States under authority of an act of Congress approved April 30. The elective franchise was conferred upon all Hawaiian citizens who by the treaty became citizens of the United States. The territory was constituted a customs district of the United States and sends one delegate to Congress.||

For several years prior to the election of McKinley affairs in Cuba had gradually gone from bad to worse and the sympathetic attitude and friendly speeches and acts of American citizens had threatened to involve the United States in a war with Spain. In 1868

* Young, Real Hawaii, chap. xviii.

For debates see Record, vol. xxxi., pp. 57705973, 6140-6693.

Carpenter, America in Hawaii, pp. 244-251; Young, Real Hawaii, pp. 297-304. William Elliot Griffis, in his America in the East, gives some of the characteristics and social customs of the native Hawaiians.

Statutes-at-Large, vol. xxxi., p. 141.

Spain had refused to institute some very necessary reforms in Cuba and thereupon occurred a bloody but indecisive war of ten years duration which was only ended after Spain had promised to carry out these reforms. She failed to keep her promises and from that time the island was in a state of ferment, only awaiting the proper time for a general uprising to expel the Spaniards and establish an independent republic.*

The active insurrection began February 24, 1895, when the Cubans declared their independence, though the formal proclamation was not issued until September 19, when the government was organized and a constitution promulgated. At first the Cuban forces were unorganized and they had no concerted line of action, but as time went on and discipline began to be established a better condition of affairs prevailed.

By the beginning of October the insurgents had about 30,000 men available while the Spaniards, under Martinez Campos, though numbering 76,000, only had about 30,000 men fit for action. Spain's finances, moreover, were in a desperate condition and this militated heavily against her, but she succeeded in borrowing 125,000,000 francs with which the war was prosecuted. Many engagements were fought, and before the end of the year more than one-half of the island, con*For the international aspects of this war see Callahan, Cuba and International Relations, pp. 364-452.

Fitzhugh Lee and Joseph Wheeler, Cuba's Struggle Against Spain, pp. 82-84.


sisting of the provinces of Santiago de Cuba, Puerto Principe and half of Santa Clara, had fallen into the possession of the Cubans.*

The progress of the insurrection was watched with great interest by the people of the United States, not only because the constant struggle through many years by the Cuban patriots had aroused their sympathy, but because it was apprehended that the vast commercial and industrial interests held by American citizens would become involved and possibly ruined in the course of the strife. Approximately $50,000,000 of American money had been invested in Cuban plantations, mines and railroads and the annual commerce was valued at about $100,000,000.†

The United States maintained a position of strict neutrality, though the executive branch of the government was severely criticized in and out of Congress. Several resolutions favoring recognition were introduced in both Houses. On June 30, 1895, the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations presented a majority report, asking the President to "use in a friendly spirit the good offices of this government, to the end that Spain shall be requested to accord to the armies with which it is engaged in war the rights of belligerents." The minority offered this resolution:

*Lee and Wheeler, Cuba's Struggle, pp. 122128; Charles Morris, The War with Spain, pp. 69-72.

†A. C. Coolidge, The United States as a World Power, pp. 121-133. See also President Cleveland's message of December 7, 1896, Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. ix., pp. 716-722.


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were warmly debated in the Senate. The House amended them and they went to a conference committee, in their final form being adopted in the House on April 6, by a vote of 245 to 27.

"In his annual message of December 7, 1896, President Cleveland declared that, when Spain's inability to suppress the insurrection had become manifest, and the struggle had degenerated into a hopeless strife involving useless sacrifice of life and the destruction of the very subject-matter of the conflict, a situation would be presented in which the obligation to recognize the sovereignty of Spain would be superseded by higher obligations."

In the meantime the United States government had experienced much difficulty in preventing filibustering expeditions from leaving American ports in aid of the insurgents. Under the provisions of international law the United States, while at peace with Spain, was obliged to prohibit and

*On the rights of belligerents and the consequences under such action see Theodore S. Woolsey, America's Foreign Policy, pp. 25-34.

Lee and Wheeler, Cuba's Struggle, p. 163. Moore, American Diplomacy, pp. 140-141. See also Moore, Digest of International Law, vol. vi., pp. 56-239; Lee and Wheeler, pp. 164170; Morris, War with Spain, p. 105 et seq.; Callahan, Cuba and International Relations, p. 470.

prevent the use of American ports to Cubans and their sympathizers for the purpose of fitting out these armed expeditions but while the government faithfully observed its obligations of neutrality and arrested several of the promoters of these schemes, still some successfully eluded the authorities and landed men and arms in Cuba.*

The Cubans were almost uniformly successful in their engagements with the Spaniards, and although large reinforcements had been sent from Spain, the Spanish authorities in the island had not even, with 200,000 men, been able to make headway against the insurgents. On December 4, 1896, the Cubans suffered a severe loss in the death of Antonio Maceo, but they became more determined than ever. By the end of 1897 the island was completely desolated, for canefields were burned and plantation buildings destroyed in a strenuous attempt to render the island absolutely valueless to Spain and unable even to support her troops quartered there.†

General Campos had been superseded February 10, 1896, by a more cruel and energetic captain-general, Valeriano Weyler, who at once proceeded to promulgate some brutal and tyrannical measures which soon brought his name into reproach and caused him to be generally execrated throughout the island. In 1896 Weyler issued a decree requiring the rural

Morris, War with Spain, p. 103 et seq.; Callahan, Cuba and International Relations, p. 475. See also Woolsey, America's Foreign Policy, pp. 37-49.

+ Morris, pp. 72-80.

population to abandon their homes and concentrate themselves in the fortified towns.* The Spanish authorities then began a war of extermination on the pacificos, or Cuban noncombatants, on the pretext that they had not obeyed the terms of this decree, though the time allowed for the removal was insufficient and though many of them had not the slightest knowledge of the issuance of the de



Those who had escaped trados they were called called-and had settled in the fortified towns received a treatment which beggars description. The Spanish authorities were not even able to feed their own troops and much less the newly-acquired population; cultivation of farm lands outside the towns practically ceased and consequently no crops came to the town markets; and the people were forced to depend upon foreign countries even for the barest necessities of life. As a consequence an appalling state of destitution, starvation and death soon became general, and sickening and almost incredible reports of outrage, starvation, imprisonment, massacre and death were sent to the United States by American newspaper correspondents.† Even American citizens were not exempt, as shown by the consular reports of Consul-General Lee and others, but suffered arrest, imprisonment without trial, and death from exposure, starvation and disease in Weyler's reconcentrado camps.

* Lee and Wheeler, Cuba's Struggle, p. 92.

† Morris, War with Spain, p. 92 el seq. Senate Doc. No. 405, 55th Congress, 2d session.

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