Grande with less than 100 men, who were reinforced from time to time by sympathizers in the movement. There were many brushes with the Mexican troops, and, little by little, the insurrectionary spirit extended. The fact that the insurgents took refuge on American soil when worsted made it necessary for the United States authorities to act, and two companies of infantry, with two of cavalry, did effective work in preventing the violation of American neutrality. Mexican government sent a strong force to the scene of trouble and the fighting degenerated into guerilla warfare. During the latter part of 1892 there was another gathering of insurgents, under leaders named Pacheco and Perez, the scene of operation

The

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being several hundred miles above that of Garza's war. The rebels captured Ascension and Coralitos, driving out the American settlers who crossed the Rio Grande into New Mexico. The Indians along the Yaqui River joined in this uprising, while another band of rebels, under the leadership of a man named Amalla, added to the complications. During this period General McCook had maintained a force on the American side of the Rio Grande and it was largely through his efforts that, in 1893, the insurgents were dispersed. The last outbreak occurred in January of 1894, when two filibusters named Ochoa and Lugan attempted to revive the insurrection. They were unsuccessful, however, being dispersed after two sharp engagements.

While the events mentioned in the preceding chapter were in course of

progress the political complexion of the country had undergone a change.

In 1894 New York elected a Republican governor-Levi P. Morton. In 1895 Kentucky, Maryland, and New Jersey also swung into the Republican column and the Democratic party seemed to be demoralized. In the national campaign of 1896 the same state of affairs existed. Both parties contained an element in favor of the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, but whereas the Republicans repudiated this doctrine the Democrats adopted it and this was the chief cause of their defeat.

The candidates were as follows:

The Republican platform was long. It declared that in their control of the government the Democratic party had made a "record of unparalleled incapacity, dishonor and disaster." It emphasized Our allegiance to the policy of protection "; denounced the Democratic tariff "as sectional, injurious to the public credit and destructive of business enterprise," and demanded "a right settlement of the tariff." It called for renewal and extension of reciprocity treaties with the nations with which this country trades, protection and reciprocity being "twin measures of Republican policy." The financial plank was as follows:

"The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused the enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie pay. ments in 1879; since then, every dollar has been as good as gold.

"We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of silver, except by international agreement with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained the existing gold standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obligations of the United States of all our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth."

The platform also condemned the Democratic administration of the pension bureau, declared for a vigorous and dignified foreign policy, the control of the Hawaiian Islands by the United States, demanded that the Nicaragua canal be "built, owned and operated by the United States," and that the Danish Isles be purchased for a naval station in the West Indies. The platform declared that the United States should exercise all proper influence to bring the Armenian atrocities to an end. The Monroe Doctrine was reaffirmed with a declaration that "we have not interfered, and shall not interfere, with the existing possessions of any European power in this hemisphere, but those possessions must not, on any pretext, be extended. We hopefully took forward to the eventual withdrawal of the European powers from this hemisphere, to the ultimate union of all the English-speaking part of the continent by the free consent of its inhabitants."

Sympathy was expressed with the "heroic battle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression," and it was declared that " the government of Spain having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property or lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its treaty obligations, we believe that the government of the United States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and give independence to the island."

The money question was treated by the Democrats as follows:

"We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetization of any kind of legal-tender money by private contract.

"We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the holders of the obligations of the United States the option reserved by law to the government of redeeming such obligations in either silver or gold coin.

"We are opposed to the issuing of interestbearing bonds of the United States in time of peace and condemn the trafficking with banking syndicates, which, in exchange for bonds and at enormous profits to themselves, supply the Federal treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold monometallism.

Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and President Jackson declared that this power could not be delegated to corporations or individuals. We, therefore, denounce the issuance of notes intended to circulate as money by national banks as in derogation of the Constitution, and we demand that all paper which is made a legal tender for public and private debts, or which is receivable for dues to the United States, shall be issued by the government of the United States and shall be redeemable in coin."

The tariff plank was as follows:

"We hold that tariff duties shall be levied for purposes of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted

as to operate equally throughout the country, and not discriminate between class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the needs of the government, honestly and economically administered. We denounce as disturbing to business the Republican threat to restore the Mc

Kinley law, which has twice been condemned by the people in national elections, and which, enacted under the false plea of protection to home industry, proved a prolific breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the expense of the many, restricted trade and deprived the producers of the great American staples of access to their natural markets.

"Until the money question is settled we are opposed to any agitation for further changes in our tariff laws, except such as are necessary to meet the deficit in revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court on the income tax. But for this decision by the Supreme Court, there would be no deficit in the revenue under the law passed by a Democratic Congress in strict pursuance of the uniform decisions of that court for nearly 100 years, that court having in that decision sustained' constitutional objections to its enactment which had previously been overruled by the ablest judges who have ever sat on that bench. We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all the constitutional power which remains after that decision, or which may come from its reversal by the court as it may hereafter be constituted, so that the burdens of taxation may be equally and impartially laid, to the end that wealth may bear its due proportion of the expense of the government."

After a most remarkable campaign the elections were held and resulted in the success of McKinley and Hobart, who received 271 electoral votes. Mr. Bryan received 176 electoral votes but the votes for VicePresident were divided, Mr. Sewell receiving 149 and Mr. Watson 27.*

* Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 494-520, and History of the Presidency, pp. 519-569; McClure, Our Presidents and How We Make Them, pp. 361-394; Andrews, The United States in Our Own Time, pp. 773-787; W. J. Bryan, The First Battle; A Story of the Campaign of 1896; Whittle's Cleveland, pp. 233-240; Halstead's McKinley, p. 373 et seq.; Porter and Boyle's McKinley, pp. 513-578.