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ROOSEVELT AND FAIRBANKS ELECTED.

standing of any kind, sort or description, save my promise, made openly to the American people, that so far as in my power lies, I shall see to it that every man has a square deal, no less and no more."

That there were grounds for Judge Parker's charges, was fairly well established in the insurance investigations that took place in the succeeding year, but that the statement of the President regarding himself was true in every respect no one at the time or afterward had any doubt. The result of the voting was an overwhelming testimonial to his popularity. Mr. Roosevelt received a poular vote of 7,621,985, with an electoral vote of 336; that of Judge Parker being 5,098,225, his electoral vote being 140. The popular vote of Roosevelt thus exceeded that of Mc

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Kinley in 1900 by 415,308; that of Parker falling short of Bryan's in 1900 by 1,276,172.*

This astounding victory was more than a mere expression of admiration for a popular idol; it was in addition the ratification of certain progressive policies that he advocated, which the reactionary forces were fighting with all their might. With this election a new era was instituted in the national life, and in his forthcoming administration President Roosevelt kept his promised word to give every man, as far as was in his power," a square deal."

*The entire vote cast was 13,544,705. The following votes were counted for the candidates of the minor parties: Watson, 114,106; Swallow, 258,039; Debs, 397,208; Corrigan, 32,516. A large Republican majority was also returned to Congress.

CHAPTER XVII.

1905-1909.

THE ADMINISTRATION OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT.

Law - The Pure Food Law - The conference of governors Conditions admitted — Booker T. Washington and An era of catastrophes San Fran

The Cabinet - The influence of Secretary Hay-The struggle with the trusts Acts of the Fiftyninth Congress -- Amendment of the Interstate Commerce Chicago stock-yards and the Beef Inspection Law -The in Porto Rico and Cuba - The statehood bill — Oklahoma the Brownsville affair · Venezuela and the foreign powerscisco earthquake · The voyage of the American fleet- The currency bill-The campaign of

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1908 and the election of William H. Taft.

Immediately after his inauguration President Roosevelt sent to the Senate for confirmation the names of those selected as his official advisors. These were: Secretary of State, John Hay, of the District of

Columbia; Secretary of the Treasury, Leslie M. Shaw, of Iowa; Secretary of War, William H. Taft, of Ohio; Secretary of the Navy, Paul Morton, of Illinois; Secretary of the Interior, Ethan Allen Hitchcock, of

VOL. X-17

Missouri; Postmaster-General, Robert J. Wynne, of Pennsylvania; Attorney-General, William H. Moody, of Massachusetts; Secretary of Agriculture, James Wilson, of Iowa; Secretary of Commerce and Labor, Victor H. Metcalf, of California. During the course of the administration the following changes occurred in the Cabinet, owing to resignation or death: Secretary Hay was succeeded by Elihu Root, of New York; Secretary Paul Morton by Charles J. Bonaparte, of Maryland; Postmaster-General Wynne was succeeded by George B. Cortelyou, and AttorneyGeneral Moody by Philander C. Knox.

By the death in the office of Secretary Hay a vacancy was made that was almost impossible to fill. He had been the friend and counsellor of McKinley, during the trying days of the war with Spain, and during the equally trying time that immediately followed. These services continued when the death of McKinley placed Roosevelt in the executive office. During Secretary Hay's régime the United States gained some of its most notable diplomatic victories; his hand guided the delicate negotiations with the powers that led up to the treaty of Paris; to him was due the

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adoption of arbitration methods in the settlement of national disputes that have become crystallized in the conventions established by The Hague. In fact, Secretary Hay may be considered the founder of the new diplomacy of the United States of America.

Its

The twentieth century marked the entrance of the United States into the family of world powers. early years had been concerned with the conquering of the wilderness in preparation for the building of a great nation. The movement toward national coherence, however, was checked by the Civil War and delayed still more by the reconstruction policies. Nevertheless the wounds gradually healed; the North expanded industrially in a marvelous way, and the South applied itself heroically to the work of rebuilding its shattered institutions along new and unfamiliar lines. In the meanwhile the tide of emigration had for a century swept over the West, transforming wildernesses and desert lands into the dwelling places of millions of American men and women. Railways and telegraph lines brought these distant regions into that intimate touch out of which springs understanding and sympathy. The result was that the vast expanse of the nation was more united in 1900 than it had ever been, even when the Alleghenies formed its western boundary.

The solemn warning of Washington in his farewell address advising

ROOSEVELT PROPOSES PEACE CONFERENCE.

the people to avoid entangling alliances had been obeyed as consistently as conditions would permit, and in fact had been accepted as a national policy. Temptations to intervene in favor of oppressed people of the old world, as in the case of Kossuth's appeal for Hungary, had been summarily resisted, and in general the relations of the United States with other powers had been largely concerned with boundary affairs and minor matters of international polity.

At the end of the war with Spain it became impressed upon the people that the nation could no longer stand apart from other nations. The exigencies of commerce and rapidity of communication had been emphasizing the need for a change of attitude, and preparing the way for the sudden transformation resulting from this war. It was therefore fortunate that at this time the chief executive should be a man who possessed in addition to a genuine enthusiasm for his native country, an international point of view. A man of action, and an advocate of war when imperative, his labors have nevertheless been for the cause of world peace. One of the final acts of President Roosevelt's first administration was the proposal made by him (September 24, 1904) for a second peace peace conference at The Hague. The first one, which had been held in 1899, had been called at the instance of the Czar of Russia and had resulted in a distinct advance toward the settlement

of

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international disputes by peaceful methods. The fact that this conference was called by the autocratic head of a a great military power came with startling effect to the masses of the peoples who in accord with tradition had looked upon an opponent of war as a spineless sort of individual. Whatever may have been the motive of the Czar in calling the conference of the nations, the result was the same. The first conference concerned itself exclusively with questions of non-increase of armament and amelioration of war, the question of international arbitration being an auxiliary topic. The latter subject, however, assumed from the beginning of the sessions an importance not assigned to it, revealing the true work of the conference. The calling of a second conference at The Hague was considered highly desirable, yet action on President Roosevelt's proposal was deferred for reason of the war between Russia and Japan. It was deemed wise to wait until peace had been established before calling the representatives of the powers together. In addition, the nations of Latin-America had determined upon a meeting of the PanAmerican conference in 1906. These nations had not been invited to take part in the first Hague conference, and it was the feeling of President Roosevelt that their voices should be heard. This was further justification for delay.

During the early months of 1905 it was clear that the position of Russia

was becoming untenable. Port Arthur had capitulated January 2; the battle of Mukden had been won March 15, and on May 27-28 Admiral Rojestvensky's fleet had been detroyed in the Sea of Japan. President Roosevelt took the initiative in restoring peace between the warring powers. In a note addressed to the Russian and Japanese governments he said: "The President feels that the time has come when in the interests of all mankind he must endeavor to see if it is not possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable conflict now being waged." The two powers accepted President Roosevelt's intervention for peace, and his invitation to hold the treaty proceedings in the United States. Accordingly, envoys were appointed by each, the former Russian Minister of Finance, Sergius Witte and Baron Rosen for Russia, and Baron Komura, former minister of Foreign Affairs, and the ambassador to the United States, Mr. Takahira. The sessions lasted from August 9 to 23, when the treaty was signed. During this time a deadlock occurred on the question of the payment of indemnity by Russia, and the yielding up of warships that had sought refuge from the Japanese vessels. Again President Roosevelt intervened for peace and the terms of the treaty were finally determined upon.

The cessation of hostilities between Russia and Japan was a signal victory for the cause of peace, and

cleared the way for the second Hague conference, the date of which was set for June 15, 1907. In deference to his responsibility for the calling of the first conference, President Roosevelt yielded to the Czar the honor of sending out the rescript for the second. Several powers, particularly the Latin-American states, who were not represented at the previous meeting, sent delegates, the total number representing the different powers being 239. The American delegation consisted of Joseph H. Choate, General Horace Porter, David J. Hill, Rear Admiral Sperry, General George B. Davis, William I. Buchanan, James Brown Scott, U. M. Rose and Richard M. Bartholdt (M. C.). These conferences have resulted in one thing marking an immeasurable advance in the cause of world-peace this is the establishment of a Permanent Court of Arbitration, proposed by the American delegation, which has been given a beautiful home by the munificence of an American, Andrew Carnegie, at the cost of $1,500,000, in 1903. Court of Arbitration was first tested September 15, 1902, by the reference to it by the United States of the Pious Funds controversy with Mexico, and by the settlement of the Venezuelan claims. Although the proposals made by the United States delegation providing for compulsory arbitration failed to be adopted, the ratification of numberless treaties calling for arbitration of international disputes "not involving national honor" has

This

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PAN-AMERICAN CONGRESSES.

produced the same effect, and the day is not far distant when the causes for war will be reduced to a minimum.*

Less world wide in application, but no less significant, has been the organization under the auspices of the United States, of the Pan-American conferences and the Bureau of American Republics. The first conference was called at the instance of Secretary of State Blaine, in 1899, but,

save for the establishment of the Bureau of American Republics, no definite results ensued, the project languishing from various causes for a decade. It was clear, however, that the Monroe Doctrine carried with it

responsibilities that could not be ignored. Primarily a policy conceived for the purpose of protecting the interests of the republics of North and South America, it could become a source of injustice should unscrupulous nations avoid their obligations by claiming protection of the United States. In this respect, alone, the Pan-American congresses have proved of great benefit, for the gathering together of the representatives of the various sections of North and South America has tended to impress upon them their duties to each other, to the United States and to the holders of their national securities.

The second Pan-American congress was held in the city of Mexico in

For list of arbitration treaties see Treaties with Foreign Nations, in this volume.

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1901, the United States sending a delegation consisting of ex-Senator Henry G. Davis, William I. Buchanan, Volney W. Foster, John Barrett and Charles M. Pepper. The most important result of the meeting was the adoption of a protocol declaring that the principles enunciated by the Hague conferences be considered as American public law. In addition, the Bureau of American Republics was continued. The scope of the latter was greatly enlarged by the action of the third conference, held in Rio de Janeiro in 1906, at which the United States was represented by William I. Buchanan, L. S. Rowe, A. J. Montague, Tulio Larringa, Paul S. Reinsch and Van Leer Polk. Secretary of State Elihu Root, whose labors in the cause of PanAmerican unity, and for the cause of international comity in general were epoch making, was also present, being then on a tour throughout the Latin-American States. Among other acts of the conference was the passage of a resolution recommending the erection of a building for the Bureau of American Republics at Washington. This recommendation was unexpectedly realized in 1907 by the gift of Mr. Carnegie of $750,000 toward a a million dollar building, $200,000 in addition being contributed by the United States government, and the remainder of the million being raised by the various Latin-American states.

These movements toward the es

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