their representatives, yet on the other hand she had never offended China as had these two, and what she had suffered had been unprovoked and undeserved. What trade interests she had were not to her a matter more monumental than the rights of the Chinese people, and beyond guarding what she felt to be her just due, she took no interest whatever in the despoiling of the Chinese empire, which the whole world felt was sure to follow. Her attitude and her subsequent action were noble and dignified; an example to the covetous powers and a just cause for pride on the part of her people. In every way possible the government of the States essayed to soften and humanize the demands of the allied powers, and that they were both cruel and humiliating even in their final form was a source of sorrow to the American people. China deserved a lesson that would prevent the repetition of the Boxer outrages, but beyond that punishment she should have been allowed to go unscathed. Little good can ever come of the monuments erected on the scene of the massacres, the enforced indemnity with all its exorbitance, nor the humiliating conditions of the treaty regarding the importation and use of arms by the Chinese. The bitter memory of these humiliations will burn in the oriental mind long after the lesson of the Boxers has passed, and who can say but that it may one day bear evil fruitage?* November 19, 1900. The German Imperial Chancellor, in the Reichstag, announced that, by a unanimous agreement, the powers had arrived The powers retained their control of the Chinese administration throughout the year 1901, during which time engagements occurred between the German forces and the Boxers at Chung-Shun Pass, March 8, and at the Great Wall, April 23, the Boxers being defeated on each occasion. The question of indemnity was finally settled by the agreement of China to pay at the following as the basis of their demands upon China: 1. China shall erect a monument to Baron von Ketteler on the site where he was murdered and send an Imperial Prince to Germany to convey an apology. She shall inflict the death penalty upon eleven princes and officials already named, and suspend provincial examinations for five years where the outrages occurred. 2. In future all officials failing to prevent antiforeign outrages within their jurisdiction shall be dismissed and punished. 3. Indemnity shall be paid to states, corporations, and individuals. The Tsung-li-Yamen shall be abolished and its functions vested in a Foreign Minister. Rational intercourse shall be permitted with the Emperor, as in civilized countries. 4. The forts at Taku and the other forts on the coast of Chi-Li shall be razed, and the importation of arms and war material prohibited. 5. Permanent legation guards shall be maintained, and also guards of communication between Peking and the sea. 6. Imperial proclamation shall be posted for two years throughout the Empire suppressing Boxers. 7. Indemnity is to include compensation for Chinese who suffered through being employed by foreigners, but not compensation for native Christians. 8. China shall erect expiatory monuments in every foreign or international burial ground where the graves have been profaned. 9. The Chinese Government shall undertake to enter upon negotiations for such changes in existing treaties regarding trade and navigation as the foreign governments deem advisable, and with reference to other matters having in view the facilitation of commercial relations. President McKinley, in his annual message to * the sum of 450,000,000 taels ($333,000,000) to the powers, and Germany's honor was appeased by the visit of apology of Prince Chun, the heir to the throne, to Berlin. The indemnity was viewed by the majority of the powers as punitive, but this construction was not placed upon it by Secretary Hay, and under the administration of Secretary Root, $10,784,508 of the share of the United States was cancelled, thereby hasten Congress, December 3, 1900, made the following statement of the principles which animate the Government of the United States in dealing with the situation in China: "The policy of the Government of the United States is to seek a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights guaranteed to friendly powers by treaty and international law, and safeguard for the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire. Faithful to those professions which, as it proved, reflected the views and purposes of the other co-operating Governments, all our efforts have been directed toward ending the anomalous situation in China by negotiations for a settlement at the earliest possible moment. As soon as the sacred duty of relieving our legation and its defendants was accomplished, we withdrew from active hostilities, leaving our legation under an adequate guard in Peking as a channel of negotiations and settlement - -a course adopted by others of the interested powers." * Amount of indemnity claimed: Russia, 130,000,000 taels; Germany, 90,000,000 taels: France, 70,878,000 taels; Great Britain, 50,712,795 taels; Japan, 34,793,100 taels; United States, 32,939,055 taels; Italy, 26,617,005 taels; other countries, 14,060,045 taels. "It is not surprising that upon a careful examination of its Boxer claims the Government of the United States found them excessive. They were compiled hurriedly soon after the stirring events of 1900, and were necessarily imperfect. Such has doubtless been the experience of other powers who shared in the indemnity. It has been hoped that they might be influenced by ing the establishment of amicable relations between the two nations.* As has been indicated, by the close of the Tagalog revolt the United States had more than 60,000 soldiers in the Philippine Islands, and the exigencies of the situation demanded the retention of the military régime until a definite policy regarding the islands could be formulated. Even at the time he was being condemned as a military despot by the anti-imperialists, President McKinley was planning to make use of the power given him under the Constitution to make use of the army itself in building up an administrative system that could be transformed into a purely civil government as rapidly as conditions would permit. For the reason that there were no precedents to which he could refer, the action of the United States and voluntarily tender to China the remission of whatever excess has been shown over their adjusted claims. But such action could hardly be expected if they were impressed with the fact that the indemnity was punitive in its character."-John W. Foster, The Chinese Indemnity. *For further details regarding this unprecedented diplomatic act see: House of Representatives, Report of Committee on Foreign Affairs, February 27, 1908 (No. 1107); Message of President Roosevelt on Remission of Chinese In- President McKinley had a free hand in shaping conditions in conformance with this policy. It was something new in colonial methods, and failure was prophesied for it. The other nations had treated their colonies as either storehouses of treasure to be exploited for the benefit of the Mother country, or as integral parts of an empire, to be justly administered, perhaps, but always with the welfare of the latter in view. The idea of deliberately educating an undeveloped race, to the point of self-government was an experiment that no nation but the United States had the temerity to make. The results are still to be seen, but the plan has worked far better than was anticipated. Some early mistakes might have been avoided had warning been taken from the experience of other nations, especially England in their relations with native. races; the whole miserable affair with Aguinaldo, indeed, might have been aborted, yet on the whole there is no question but what the Filipino is rapidly developing a national consciousness and honor under the freedom of the new conditions. In his message to Congress, December 3, 1899, President McKinley says: “Until Congress shall have made known the formal expression of its will I shall use the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the Statutes to uphold the sovereignty of the United States in those distant islands as in all other places where our flag rightfully floats. No effort shall be spared to build up the waste places desolated by war and by long years of mis-government. We shall not wait for the end of the strife to begin the beneficent work. We * schools and the churches, to set the courts in operation, to foster industry and trade and agriculture, and in every way in our power to make these people whom Providence has brought within our jurisdiction feel that it is their liberty and not our power, their welfare and not our gain, we are seeking to enhance. Our flag has never waved over any community but in blessing." Again in his next annual message, December 3, 1900, he repeats the same thought, adding: "No contrary expression of the will of Congress having been made, I have steadfastly the purpose so declared, employing the civil arm as well as the military toward the accomplishment of pacification and the institution of local government within the lines of authority and law." In consonance with the plans thus proclaimed, President McKinley appointed (March, 1900) a second commission to the Philippines, whose functions and powers were much more extended than those of the previous committee. As soon as feasible it was empowered to establish a civil government, and, beginning September 1, was authorized to exercise legislative power in the islands, which power was later restricted in the granting of franchises. This commission consisted of William H. Taft, of Ohio, president; Prof. Dean C. Worcester, of Michigan; Luke E. Wright of Tennessee; Henry C. Ide of Vermont, and Prof. Bernard Moses of California, to continue and perfect the work of organizing and establishing civil government already commenced by the military authorities, in all respects to any laws which Congress shall continue as we have begun, to open the may hereafter enact." In his letter of instructions to the Secretary of War, April 7, 1900, President McKinley said of his commission and its purposes: "The Commissioners named will meet and act as a board, and the Hon. William H. Taft is designated as President of the Board. It is probable that the transfer of authority from military commanders to civil officers will be gradual and will occupy a considerable period. Its successful accomplishment and the maintenance of peace and order in the meantime will require the most perfect co-operation between the civil and military authorities in the island, and both should be directed during the transition period by the same executive department. The Commission will therefore, report to the Secretary of War, and all their actions will be subject to your approval and control. "You will instruct the Commission to proceed to the city of Manila, where they will make their principal office, and to communicate with the Military Governor of the Philippine Islands, whom you will at the same time direct to render to them every assistance within his power in the performance of their duties. Without hampering them with too specific instructions, they should in general be enjoined, after making themselves familiar with the conditions and needs of the country, to devote their attention in the first instance to the establishment of municipal gov ernments, in which the natives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural communities, shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their own local affairs to the fullest extent of which they are capable, and subject to the least degree of supervision and control which a careful study of their capacities and observation of the working of the native control show to be consistent with the maintenance of law, order and loyalty. "The next subject in order should be the organization of government in the larger administrative divisions corresponding to countries, departments, or provinces, in which the common interests of many or several municipalities falling within the same tribal lines, or the same natural geographical limits, may best be subserved by a common administration. Whenever the Commission is of the opinion that the condition of affairs in the islands is such that the central administration may safely be transferred from military to civil control, they will report that conclusion to you, with their recommendations as to the form of central government to be esablished." On July 4, 1901, the president of the commission became civil governor and the other four members were appointed on September 1 in charge of government departments. At this time also three Filipinos were added to the commission, which was again increased by act of Congress on May 11, 1908, to nine members. William H. Taft was appointed the first governor, but early in 1904 he resigned and was succeeded by Luke E. Wright, who held office until April 1906, when Henry C. Ide became governor-general, he in turn giving way to James F. Smith, the present incumbent, on September 20, 1906. By the Congressional law of July 1, 1902, it was provided that, should the islands be peaceful for a period of two years after the publication of a census, the commission should call an election for delegates to a general assembly to take over the legislative powers hitherto exercised by the Philippine Commission. This census was completed and published in March 1907 and as the two years had passel without serious disturbance President Roosevelt issued a formal order for the election. The election law divided the 39 provinces of the islands (exclusive of Manila) not inhabited by Moros or other non-Christian tribes into 78 assembly districts, each province to constitute at least one district and the more populous provinces being divided into more districts in the ratio of one to every 90,000 inhabitants, or major fraction thereof, |