paign had been marked by vacillation, dilatoriness, and lack of enterprise. The force of this arraignment, however, was softened by the statement that his conduct in the battle was selfpossessed, and that he encouraged in his own person his subordinate officers and men. Admiral Dewey dissented from the findings of the other members of the court, and stated in closing that "Commodore Schley was the senior officer of our squadron off Santiago when the Spanish squadron attempted to escape.

Не was in absolute command and is entitled to the credit due to such commanding officer for the glorious victory which resulted in the total destruction of the Spanish ships." Secretary Long, on December 21, approved of the decision of the majority members of the Court of Inquiry, censuring, at the same time, Admiral Dewey for giving an opinion as to the person in command of the fleet. At the same date, General Miles was disciplined by the Secretary of War for expressing views with respect to the Schley verdict.

While these events were taking place in the United States, the attention of the public was called again to the Orient, this time by the report that there was a well-organized and powerful movement on foot in China to exterminate all foreigners. The people of China for years had been showing evidences of restlessness due to the constant territorial aggressions of the European powers. This had been gradually growing in intensity

VOL. X-14

until it burst forth in an uprising during the month of May, 1900. The exact nature of this upheaval is difficult to determine, but the most active agency in fomenting the disorders was a secret patriotic society, the I-Ho-Tuon, or the " Boxers," as they have been styled. This was organized as a law and order league, and the number of its members is estimated to have been ten millions, comprehending people of all classes from royalty to the coolie. It is but a step from the love of one's country to the hatred of the foreigner, and the Boxers soon took it, and as the result reports came of persecutions and barbarities, to which, however, little heed was paid until the world was awakened by the report that the members of the foreign legations were at the mercy of a bloodthirsty mob, and that outrages were occurring in all portions of China. What was at first conceived to be nothing more than sporadic outbreaks of the mob spirit was soon revealed as a far-reaching pan-Chinese movement. The popular fury seemed to be directed primarily against the missionaries, but the movement was political as well as religious, as was evidenced by the fact that Prince Tuan, the uncle of the reigning emperor, was the head of the secret order, and the fact that the imperial guards took an active part in the atrocities at Peking. In fact, to the minds of the Boxers the expansion of Christian missions, Christian commerce, and Christian territory, were all one and the same thing

-a blow at the integrity of the Chinese empire. With the story before her of India, Egypt, and other countries that had come under the dominion of Occidental powers, China had. determined to make a stern effort to evade a similar fate. The territorial encroachments of one European power after another had been steadily growing for decades, and with France on the south, England and Japan on the east, and Russia on the north, China felt herself but a banquet prepared for greedy watchers. Already she had yielded to demands for territory, railway and shipping privileges, and had submitted to more or less control of her national policy. In return for this she had gained the opium blight, a disastrous war with Japan, and the threat of imperial dismemberment that might be realized at any time.

The commercial interests of America in China were considerable, and she naturally desired to increase them, but it had been the policy to do this fairly, and with mutual benefits. Commerce with China had increased three-fold during the preceding seven years, yet it was believed that trade with that country offered enormous possibilities. Yet the United States had no desire to gain control of this at the disadvantage of other countries, so the "open door " policy was adopted*

-a principle so just that the other powers were easily persuaded to conform to it. This policy,

a large contingent of troops through northern China. France, Germany, Austria, and Italy sent boats and marines, as did Great Britain, whose commander, Admiral Seymour, was selected to direct the operations of the allied forces. Japan not only sent troops but also began to mobilize her fleet, a movement that was probably inspired more by a fear of Russian aggression than of Chinese rioting. Rear-Admiral Kempff, with the flagship Newark, was stationed in Chinese waters, and detached a body of United States marines for coöperation with the forces of the allies, a few of these being in the little detachment of fifty soldiers who were able to reach Peking before the roads were closed. These did valiant service in the struggle with the mob that besieged the British legation. Admiral Kempff in the meanwhile had been sending urgent messages to Washington requesting reinforcements from the Philippines. The campaign against Aguinaldo, however, was in activity, and in spite of the fact that there were 65,000 men there, and a strong fleet beside, Admiral Remy cabled (June 6) a virtual refusal to accede to Kempff's entreaties.* It seemed as if the commanders of the American forces in

'Kempff reports conditions of affairs are very disturbed at Tientsin and persistently asks for reinforcements. I cannot supply them. Affairs in the Philippines are considered paramount. I fear he is coöperating (with) foreign powers to an extent incompatible with interests of American Government. I have advised him to withdraw all excepting force for protection of American interests. Remy." (June 6, 1900.)

the Philippines could not grasp the seriousness of the situation, and even as late as June 16, after massacres had been of daily occurrence, General MacArthur reported to the adjutantgeneral that "the loss of a regiment would be a serious matter, but if critical emergency arises in China can send a regiment (on) two days' notice." Again, on June 24, he cabled: "Another regiment cannot be spared for China." It was only after imperative orders had been issued from Washington that ships and reinforcements were on the way to Chefoo, the 9th Infantry, with Colonel Liscum in command, after many delays, sailing June 28. It was not, indeed, until after the death of this gallant officer on July 13 that adequate measures were taken to cope with the situation.

When a suitable force was gathered together to undertake an attack, the allied troops made an effort to disembark at Taku, but met so great a resistance that it was finally determined to shell the port. To this Admiral Kempff would not agree. The attitude of the United States in this affair was to be defensive, not aggressive. Little was to be gained by shelling the city, and such action, he reasoned, might infuriate the Chinese at Peking, who had our legations and missionaries there at their mercy. War had not been declared by our country upon China. The American forces were combating not the Chinese nation, but the Society of Boxers. Minister Wu was still in Washington,

not yet having received his passports, which, in fact, were never presented him. An act of war when there was no war Kempff considered illegal. So the bombarding of Taku, which was successfully accomplished, was done without American assistance, and the troops landed and occupied the port. Kempff's course was heartily approved at Washington. His predictions were realized, for the rioting at Peking grew immeasurably after the arrival of the tidings of the capture of Taku. On June 16 the German ambassador, Baron von Ketteler, was cruelly murdered while on a mission of diplomacy to the Tsung-li-Yamen, and only a week previous the Japanese chancellor of legation had been murdered by the empress' own guards. The news of these outrages aroused the deepest grief and indignation throughout the civilized nations of the world. The situation was rendered doubly horrible by the period of doubt and fear which followed. One report of death and carnage after another reached the powers, only to be denied in the next cablegram, and replaced by others still more terrible. For weeks it was not known whether our ministers and

their families were alive and under protection, whether they were being starved and besieged, or if they had shared the fate of the murdered German and Japanese officials.

Colonel Liscum landed at Taku with the Ninth regiment July 9. The battleship Oregon had set sail for Hong Kong, but the ship was un

fortunately a victim of an accident, and did not arrive in time to aid. Before this, however, Admiral Seymour with a strong force of allied troops had set out to relieve the legations at Peking, but had met with reverses at every turn. They had only proceeded a little way by rail when they found that they could go no farther because of the damage done to the railroad by the Boxers. While repairing the road, they had an engagement with the Boxers and killed 30. By this time an army of 100,000 had assembled at the capital to resist the entry of the relief column, although "official" information had been received that their entry would not be opposed, and it was said that the empress had herself gone to disperse the Boxers. On June 19 and 20, when the allied troops had proceeded as far as Tien-Tsin, they were met by a formidable army of about 4,000 men, and on requesting reinforcements from Taku, 600 marines were sent forward to relieve them. These, unfortunately, were outnumbered and overpowered before the reached Tien-Tsin. On June 25 another relieving force reached Admiral Seymour and conducted him safely back to Tien-Tsin. His brave men had marched almost into Peking, but were obliged to abandon their hope of rescuing the legations, for they had neither food nor ammunition, and on every side were outnumbered by the swarms of Chinese. Many of this allied force were killed or wounded, of the num