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This opinion of Jefferson, it was sought to interpret in favor of adoption; but Patrick Henry insisted, that such was not its intent. "If we pursue his advice," Henry asked, "what are we to do? To prefer form to substance? For, give me leave to ask, what is the substantial part of his counsel? It is, that four States should reject." This extraordinary letter, which placed the action of a State, on so vital a question, upon a mere numerical contingency, whether it should be the ninth or the tenth; which overlooked the possibility of two or more Conventions being in Session at the same time, and, if this advice was followed, that both States might dissent, and the Constitution would be lost; or both might adopt, and the amendments would fail, greatly alarmed the friends of the Constitution. Madison deprecated the introduction of the name of Jefferson--and asked, "Has it come to this then -that we are not to follow our own reason? Is it proper to introduce the opinions of respectable men not within these walls? If the opinion of an important character were to weigh on this occasion-could we not adduce a character equally great on our side?" This letter of Jefferson had, nevertheless, worked on the minds of the Convention; and in their closing speeches, Randolph and Madison labored to remove its impression. "Let," said the Governor of the State, "Let gentlemen seriously ponder the calamitous consequences of dissolving the Union in our present

vious, it is evident that it was written, when the fate of the Constitution was uncertain. After summing up the prospect in other States, he remarks: “ as to Virginia, two of the Delegates in the first place refused to sign it, these were Randolph, the Governor, and George Mason; besides these, Henry, Harrison, Nelson, and the Lees, are against it. General Washington will be for it, but it is not in his character to exert himself much in the case!

"Madison will be its main pillar, but though an immensely powerful one, it is questionable, whether he can bear the weight of such a host--so that the presumption is, that Virginia will reject.”

situation, I appeal to the great Searcher of hearts, on this occasion, that I behold the greatest danger that ever happened, hanging over us-for, previous amendments, are, but another name for rejection. I ask you, if it be not better to adopt, and run the chance of amending it hereafter, than run the risk of endangering the Union. The Confederation is gone. It has no authority. If, in this situation, we reject the Constitution-the Union will be dissolved, the dogs of war will break loose, and anarchy and discord will complete the ruin of this country."

Madison, after commenting on the extraordinary spectacle exhibited in America, of its free inhabitants deliberating on a form of Government, and selecting such of their citizens as possess their confidence, to determine upon and give effect to it, remarked: "I beg that, gentlemen in deliberating on this subject, would consider the alternative either nine States shall have ratified it, or they will not. If nine States will adopt it, can it be reasonably presumed or required, that nine States, having freely and fully considered the subject, and come to an affirmative decision, will, upon the demand of a single State, agree, that they acted wrong, and could not see its defects; tread back the steps they have taken, and reduce it to uncertainty, whether a general system shall be adopted, or not? It is a most awful thing that depends upon our decision-whether, the thirteen States shall unite freely, peaceably, and unanimously, for the security of their common happiness and liberty-or, whether, every thing is to be put in confusion and disorder? Should only eight States ratify, and Virginia propose certain alterations, as the previous condition of her acceptance, every State which has decided must reconsider the subject, acknowledge its error, and appoint a new Convention to deliberate. Will not every State think herself

equally entitled to propose as many amendments?

If

contradictory, will they probably agree-or agree in any thing, but the plan before us? New York has been adduced. Two of the delegates from that State opposed every step of this system. Can it be supposed, that those in this State, who admit the necessity of a change, would ever unite with those totally averse to any change? In this mode of securing alterations (by subsequent amendments), there is no friend to the Constitution but will concur."

James Monroe thought differently. He declared, he could not conceive, that a conditional ratification, would, in the most remote degree, endanger the Union; for, it was as clearly the interest of the adopting States to be united with Virginia, as it could be her interest to be, in union with them.

In the hope of thus influencing the decisions of other States, Hamilton had arranged a line of expresses with Generals Sullivan and Knox-to bear intelligence of the ratification by New Hampshire. An express arrived in New York on the twenty-fifth of June, and the result was announced to Congress.

Colonel Henley pressed on with it to Richmond. The intelligence reached Alexandria on the twenty-eighth, where its citizens were convened to celebrate the adoption by Virginia; which State, by a majority of ten of one hundred and sixty-eight votes, had ratified the Constitution, two days before.

"The day itself," Washington writes, on the twentyeighth, "is memorable for more reasons than one. It was recollected, that this day is the anniversary of the battles of Sullivan's Island, and Monmouth. I have just returned from assisting at the entertainment, and mention these details, unimportant as they are in themselves, the rather,

because, I think, we may rationally indulge the pleasing hope, that the Union will now be established upon a durable basis; and that, Providence seems still disposed to favor the members of it with unequalled opportunities for political happiness.'

On the 27th of June, Madison wrote to Hamilton: "This day put an end to the existence of our Convention. The enclosed is a copy of the act of ratification. It has been followed by a number of recommendatory alterations-many of them highly objectionable. One of the most so, is an article prohibiting direct taxes, when effectual laws shall be passed by the States for the purpose. The minority will sign an address to the people. The genius of it is unknown to me. It is mentioned, as an exhortation to acquiescence in the result of the Convention. Notwithstanding the fair professions made by some, I am so uncharitable as to suspect, that the ill will to the Constitution will produce every peaceable effort to disgrace and destroy it. Mr. Henry declared, previous to the final question, that, although he should submit as a quiet citizen, he should wait with impatience for the favorable moment of regaining in a constitutional way the lost liberties of his country. My conjecture is, that exertions will be made to engage two-thirds of the Legislature in the task of regularly undermining the Government. This hint may not be unworthy your attention. Yours, affectionately." He subsequently wrote, that, "the intended address was rejected by the party themselves, when proposed to them, and produced an auspicious conclusion,"

CHAPTER LIII.

DURING this period, Hamilton frequently attended Congress, then sitting at New York. Its journals give few topics of interest. From these, it appears, that he was of a Committee to make provision for the invalids of the army; that, on the third of June, he reported, that "the District of Kentucke be erected into an Independent State, and the act for its admission into the Union." This measure, with the concurrence of all but one member, was subsequently referred, in consequence of intelligence, that nine States had ratified the Constitution. He was also of a Committee to close the unsettled public accounts.

From this Assembly, scarcely possessed of means sufficient to keep up the forms of Government, Hamilton passed to a new theatre of labor and of triumph-the Convention of New York.

*

His correspondence at this time shows his apprehensions of the result. He writes: "Violence, rather than moderation, is to be looked for from the opposite party. Obstinacy seems to be the prevailing trait in the character of its leader. The language is, that if all the other States adopt, this is to persist in refusing the Constitution. It is reduced to a certainty, that Clinton has, in several

* Hamilton's Works, vol. i. 452-454, to Morris and Madison.

VOL. IV.-31

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