its slow progress which received his sanction. It proceeded that day only as far as Annandale, about eight miles, when General W. F. Smith, commanding the leading division, sent back reports derived from stragglers that the enemy was advancing in force from beyond Fairfax Court House, and these reports being transmitted to McClellan, the latter directed Franklin to remain that night at Annandale. This dilatory progress called forth a rebuke from Halleck, whereupon McClellan assumed the responsibility of the order for the halt, saying: "It was not safe for Franklin to move beyond Annandale, under the circumstances, until we knew what was at Vienna. General Franklin remained here (Alexandria) until about I P. M., endeavoring to arrange for supplies for his command. I am responsible for both these circumstances, and do not see that either was in disobedience of your orders. Please give me distinct orders in reference to Franklin's movements of to-morrow."

Another circumstance, occurring August 29th, added its detracting influence. In his reply to an inquiry of the President asking for news, after answering, he adds: "I am clear that one of two courses should be adopted: First, to concentrate all our available forces to open communications with Pope; second, to leave Pope to get out of his scrape, and at once use all our means to make the capital perfectly safe. No middle ground will now answer. Tell me what you wish me to do, and I will do all in my power to accomplish it. I wish to know what my orders and authority are. I ask for nothing, but will obey whatever orders you give. I only ask a prompt decision that I may at once give the necessary orders. It will not do to delay longer.'

The foregoing quotations from Halleck's and McClellan's dispatches suffice to show that these two commanders had a very different view of the problem then confronting them, and consequently were often at cross purposes in their attempts to solve it. Uppermost in McClellan's mind was the imminent danger of the loss

of Washington, and while he knew nothing of what had happened to Pope he was not apprehensive of the ultimate safety of his army, believing that, if defeated, he had an avenue of escape by way of the Occoquan. But the safety of Washington was a matter of supreme importance, and he felt that all his efforts should primarily be directed to that end. In addition to this, if we give due weight to the habit he had of overestimating the numbers and activity of the enemy, we will have a logical explanation of his conduct, which is in perfect keeping with all the characteristics that he had heretofore exhibited. These characteristics made him antagonistic to any aggressive movement toward Centreville, where the enemy was reported in force, and were in accord with that cautious preparation for defense of the line which was then so vulnerable, and which, to his mind, it was so essential to hold. Halleck, on the other hand, by devoting the greater part of his time and energy to matters of less immediate importance, such as those connected with affairs in the West and raising new troops, failed to give that controlling and directing attention to the crisis which was then involving the safety of Pope's army, an attention which was especially incumbent upon the general in chief at that time.

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The dispatches from Pope to Halleck on the 30th, some hours after the battle of that day had ended, were not disheartening, but rather encouraging, ending with the statement, We have lost nothing-neither guns nor wagons.' But at a quarter to eleven the next morning came the inquiry: "I should like to know whether you feel secure about Washington should this army be destroyed? I shall fight it as long as a man will stand up to the work. You must judge what is to be done, having in view the safety of the capital." McClellan had, on the night of the 30th, sent his aid, Major Hammerstein, to the front to ascertain the exact condition of affairs, and the latter returned at about 3 A. M. and reported Pope's army was badly whipped and the condition of affairs was critical. The next

morning McClellan visited Washington, and there, in Halleck's office, was directed to take charge of Washington and its defenses, but was expressly forbidden to exercise any control over the active troops under General Pope. At this interview McClellan tried to impress upon Halleck the facts in regard to the condition of Pope's army that he had learned from Hammerstein, but Halleck could not be persuaded that affairs at the front were in so critical a state. Finally, after much persuasion, Colonel Kelton, of Halleck's office, was sent out to ascertain the condition. In the meantime a large number of stragglers were then making their way into Washington, and the rumors of a great disaster were exercising their baneful influence upon the public mind. When Kelton returned and made known to Halleck and the President that the conditions were much worse than even McClellan had represented, that the army was entirely defeated and was falling back on Washington in confusion, more than thirty thousand stragglers being then on the roads, almost a panic ensued. Even some of the Cabinet members gave orders for the removal of public property, believing that Washington was certainly lost. In this critical state of affairs Mr. Lincoln came with General Halleck, early on the 2d of September, and asked McClellan to resume command and do the best that could be done. McClellan promptly responded with assurances that his services were at the command of the President.

CHAPTER XIV.

MCCLELLAN AND THE ADMINISTRATION.-LEE'S MARYLAND CAMPAIGN.-BATTLES OF SOUTH MOUNTAIN GAPS.—BATTLE OF ANTIETAM.-MCCLELLAN'S FINAL REMOVAL.

BUT during these days the most active personal hostility had developed in the minds of Mr. Lincoln's advisers against McClellan. On the 28th of August Mr. Stanton addressed a letter to General Halleck, requesting information as to the date when McClellan was first ordered to move from the James River, and when the movement was actually commenced; what orders he had received for the movement of Franklin's corps, and whether both of these orders had been obeyed with that promptness that the national safety had required. Halleck's reply was decidedly unfavorable to McClellan, and served to confirm in Stanton's mind the belief that McClellan was both incompetent and disobedient. He therefore prepared a letter, to be signed by the members of the Cabinet, for presentation to the President, as follows:

MR. PRESIDENT: The undersigned feel compelled by a profound sense of duty to the Government and the people of the United States, and to yourself as your constitutional advisers, respectfully to recommend the immediate removal of George B. McClellan from any command in the armies of the United States. We are constrained to urge this by the conviction that, after a sad and humiliating trial of twelve months, and by the frightful and useless sacrifice of the lives of many thousand brave men and the waste of many millions of national means, he has proved to be incompetent for any important military command, and also because, by recent disobedience of superior orders and inactivity he has twice imperilled the fate of the army commanded by General Pope,

and while he continues in command will daily hazard the fate of our armies and our national existence, exhibiting no sign of a disposition or capacity to restore by courage or diligence the national honor that has been so deeply tarnished in the eyes of the world by his military failures. We are unwilling to be accessory to the destruction of our armies, the protraction of the war, the waste of our national resources, and the overthrow of the Government, which we believe must be the inevitable consequence of George B. McClellan being continued in command, and seek, therefore, by his prompt removal to afford an opportunity to capable officers, under God's providence, to preserve our national existence.

This paper, after being modified by Secretary Chase, was signed by both himself and Stanton, but though it is averred that its statements were assented to by others of the Cabinet, none of them subscribed to it. Subsequently, on the 1st of September, the Secretaries of War, the Treasury, the Interior, and the Attorney General united in signing the following paper, which, however, was never presented to the President:

"The undersigned, who have been honored with your selection as a part of your constitutional advisers, deeply impressed with our great responsibility in the present crisis, do but perform a painful duty in declaring to you our deliberate opinion that at this time it is not safe to intrust to Major-General McClellan the command of any army of the United States. And we hold ourselves ready at any time to explain to you in detail the reasons upon which this opinion is founded."

But the President was himself fully aware of the intense feeling against McClellan in the minds not only of nearly all the members of his Cabinet, but generally throughout the community, among the members of Congress, and the supporters of his Administration. It required all the characteristic firmness and individuality of that remarkable man to put himself in opposition to this powerful sentiment, and to pursue a course of action that seemed to him essential to meet so critical an emergency. Secretary Welles says: At the stated Cabinet meeting on Tuesday, the 2d of September,