serve to myself, and which I can not feel justified in leav ing to the decision of commanders in the field.

"These are totally different questions from police reg ulation in armies or in camps.'

The President then refers to and quotes the joint resolution he had recommended to Congress (p. 601), and continues:

He implores the Border States to accede to his views.

"The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the states and people most interested in the subject-matter. To the people of those states now I appeal. I do not argue. I beseech you to make the arguments for yourselves. You can not, if you would, be blind to the signs of the times-"

He again urges Con

Notwithstanding this earnest appeal, no response came from the Border States. Yet Lincoln did gress to compensa- not give up his policy. Shortly before the ted emancipation. close of the session, he sent a special message to Congress suggesting the passage of a bill which should provide that, on any state abolishing slavery, bonds of the United States should be delivered to it of a certain sum for every slave, the whole to be paid at once if the emancipation was immediate, or in instalments if gradual. No final action was, however, taken by Congress upon it, the general impression being that all such measures were useless. Even the Border States would not hearken to emancipation, whether with compensation or not.

Still tenaciously clinging to his idea, he now (July 12th) requested an interview with all the

He has an interview

egations.

with the Border del- members of Congress from the Border States, in which he urged them to accept his plan. He told them that through the war the slave

CHAP. LXIV.]

LINCOLN'S RELUCTANCE TO ACT.

605

property among them had greatly diminished in value, and before long would altogether disappear; he asked if it were not best to secure substantial compensation for what would otherwise be wholly lost. On their part, they could not see why they were called upon to make so great a sacrifice.

sular disasters.

Meantime the Confederate government had brought its Effect of the penin- conscripts into the field. They had terminated McClellan's campaign; they had overthrown Pope, had threatened Washington, and invaded Maryland. It was clearly perceived throughout the North that these disasters, with all the waste of life and money that had attended them, could not have occurred had the poor whites, by whom the Southern armies were recruited, been compelled to remain at home. The slaves were attending to the plantations and raising provisions, while the whites were repairing to the armies.

Incited by such considerations, public opinion began to Public opinion in- press upon Lincoln, requiring him to bring fluenced by them. the negro element over to the national side by proclaiming the emancipation of the slaves. The impression was becoming universal that either that must be done or the Union must be given up.

The President's in

religious persons.

On the occasion of an interview which he had with some religious persons who had come from terview with certain Chicago for the purpose of urging upon him the necessity of emancipation, Lincoln, in a simple but clear manner, explained the views he enter tained of the position of affairs; among other things, he said:

"What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do as we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document which the whole world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's Bull against the Comet. Would my word free the slaves, when I can

not even enforce the Constitution in the rebel states? Is there a single court, or magistrate, or individual that would be influenced by it there? And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late law of Congress which I approved, and which offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come within our lines? Yet I can not learn that that law has caused a single slave to come

over to us

"Now tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire. Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as commander-inchief of the in time of war I suppose and army I navy, have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I urge objections of a moral nature in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a practical war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.

"I admit that slavery is at the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince people there that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant farther that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the war; and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance, but I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. If we were to arm them, I fear that in

CHAP. LXIV.] HE IS CONSTRAINED TO EMANCIPATION.

607

a few weeks the arms would be in the hands of the reb. els, and, indeed, thus far, we have not had arms enough to equip our white troops.

The conclusion to which he had come.

"Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They indicate the diffi culties that have thus far prevented my ac tion in some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and by night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, that I will do."

A depreciated currency, heavy and steadily increasing taxation, the terrors of a coming military draft, the clamor of the peace party, and, above all, a profound disappointment in the result of McClellan's campaign, weighed heav ily on the spirit of the nation. More and becoming more im- more clearly was the stern alternative presented to it-emancipation of the Slave, or

Anti-slavery action

perative.

destruction of the Republic.

There is reason to suppose that when Lincoln saw the wreck of McClellan's expedition coming back from the Peninsula, he made up his mind. To repair the dreadful losses of that and Pope's campaign, a vast number of men must be raised. He reflected that the balance would be equally made to incline by putting white men in one scale, or by taking black men out of the other. During that summer he had read at a cabinet meeting a draft of a proclamation of emancipation. The Secdraft of an emanci- retary of State, Mr. Seward, though com pletely approving of its character, thought the time inopportune, and that, instead of coming after a disaster, it ought to come after a victory. In this, on consideration, Lincoln agreed. The time for such a proclamation was not when Lee was in view of Washington, and

The President's first

pation proclama

tion.

action,

He still withholds the expulsion of the national authorities from the Capitol itself by no means an im probability. There was a day on which it seemed more likely that the Confederacy would dictate terms than have to submit to them-a day on which it would have been absurd, indeed, for the vanquished President to tell his antagonists, flushed with victory, that he was going to free their slaves.

ious vow.

"I made a solemn vow before God," said Lincoln, subbut makes a relig- sequently," that if General Lee was driven back from Maryland, I would crown the result by a declaration of freedom to the slaves." The battle of Antietam was fought, and Lee, driven across the Potomac, retreated into Virginia

Events call upon

ment.

him for its fulfill- on the night of the 19th of September. The losses of the South in this sortie had been awful. Mourning was sitting in black at every Southern fireside. And now Lincoln remembered the vow he had made. "Whatever shall appear to be God's will, that I will do."

The proclamation of the 22d of Septem

ber

"A PROCLAMATION.

"I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, and commander-in-chief of the army and navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation bedeclares the object tween the United States and each of the states, and the people thereof, in which states that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed.

of the war.

"That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all Slave States so called, the people whereof may not then be in Circumstances un- rebellion against the United States, and which states sation for slaves, may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the ef

der which there shall be compen