pealed to his invention, his ambition, his courage. It made him self reliant, resourceful. Necessity spurred him to constant activity. There was room and call for the best that was in him. He developed on all sides. His individuality was marked. He was a free man, well rounded, full orbed. In the business world there was the same independence. The business man could exercise a choice. He could achieve success and be neighborly. Men of energy and power builded fortunes on the same legitimate lines and by the same honorable means as lesser fortunes were made.

Every thinking man, however, must be impressed with the radical change in the methods of attaining wealth-almost within a generation of time—and with the profound and serious effect of this change upon both the social and political life of the nation.

The individual, as an independent business factor, has practically disappeared from the commercial world, and in his stead stand vast organizations of corporate combination. The business man formerly gave his individuality to the business he conducted, stamped his integrity strongly upon it. High moral attributes were essential to business success, a part of its capital, and the honor of every business transaction more precious than its profits.

In like manner the employe preserved his identity, and impressed his personality upon every part of the business which passed through his hands. He shared in giving the business reputation and took pride in it. He found in it his incentive and his opportunity for advancement. Faithful service was recognized and rewarded, and men of capacity and power could hope to mount to the top.

But mark the change: With the centralized control of business by great combinations and systems, men become mere cogs in the wheels of a complicated mechanism, where individuality and business conscience are merged into the impersonal, intangible entity of the organization. It is becoming more difficult to-day for young men of education and ability to secure merited recognition in their chosen avocations. Workmen and employes have no longer the same hope of becoming managers and proprietors. Their daily task lacks the inspi

ration born of faith in securing well earned promotion. The great body of the people of this country begin life with no better inheritance than health and strength and hope. And that is the best fortune. Hard work never breaks the spirit of the man whose face is lifted to the heights beyond. Advancement, promotion, a better chance next month, next year, quickens the lagging pace, and cheers the weary hour. But woe to us when men lose faith, when youth may not hope to rise above the dead level where the father laid down his hard life.

It needs not a philosopher to estimate the influence of this tendency upon the character of the men who constitute so large a part of the nation, and who determine to such an extent the average standard of our citizenship.

"Ill fares the land to hastening ills a prey,

Where wealth accumulates, and men decay."

As an abstract economic proposition, it may be that the increased production and profits of a few great combinations should cause a more rapid development and cheaper production than under conditions where the same business is conducted by a large number of independent concerns or individuals. But the real prosperity of a nation, especially of a republic, must be based upon a general, even though moderate, success coming to the largest possible number.

The lack of personal identity and the absence of moral responsibility for the acts of the corporation, renders it a convenient cover for dishonest manipulation. For this reason it has been made an instrumentality for the most extensive swindling operations known in the history of finance. Corporations within other corporations, owned by the same men, contracting with themselves, robbing stockholders, bondholders, and policyholders-resorting to the shift of a receivership when the right combination can be made these are some of the modern methods of creating wealth. They constitute a distinct menace to republican institutions, as well as to business integrity and confidence.

The merging of business is promoted directly and indirectly by the railroads. They prefer large consignments of freight, and large traffic transactions to small ones. Uncontrolled,

it was inevitable that the railroads should favor large shippers and foster business consolidation. The railroads themselves were rapidly eliminating competition in transportation charges. Within less than a decade ninety per cent of the vital railway mileage of the United States has been brought within half a dozen group organizations, going far toward effecting a single control.

Observe how vast and far reaching in consequence these modern business methods are in fact: Against the natural laws of trade and commerce is set the arbitrary will of a few masters of special privelege. The principal transportation lines of the country are so operated as to eliminate competition. Between railroads and other monopolies, controlling great natural resources and most of the necessaries of life, there exists a community of interest in all cases, and an identity of ownership in many. Blind, indeed, even the ultra conservative citizen who does not see that, unless there be prompt and effective control of these powerful organizations, we are already at the end of all commercial and industrial independence in this country.

These great combinations are closely associated in business for business reasons. They are also closely associated in politics for business reasons. Together they constitute a complete system. Together they work to defraud the public of its rights, defeat legislation for the general good, and secure laws to promote private interests.

The basic principle of our government is the will of the people. The representative elected by the people should be the people's representative. If the city alderman, the state legislator, the member of congress, or the United States senator represents privilege, he is not the servant of the people, but the servant of the special interest he represents. The people are not represented, but wealth in combination.

It is the manifest duty of the government to preserve its representative character. To do this, it must protect itself against the wrongful use of money and favors by the owners of special privileges. This is the righteous demand of the citizen, for whom our government was ordained. It is cowardice to say that the undertaking is too great, that the opposing forces

are too powerful, that it is impossible for the government to master this enemy which is undermining republican institutions.

A great English divine has said:

"To despair of America would be to despair of humanity, for it would show that men, after all, have no capacity for governing themselves.'

In a democracy, more than under any other form of government, eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. The citizen who thinks the constitution alone will preserve everlasting good government is mistaken. A great nation has great and growing problems, and each day and generation has its duty to perform, its obligation of citizenship to meet.

America is not made. It is in the making. It has to-day to meet an impending crisis, as menacing as any in the nation's history. It does not call a sound to arms, but it is none the less a call to patriotism and to higher ideals in citizenship, a call for the preservation of the representative character of government itself. If we would preserve the spirit as well as the form of our free institutions, the patriotic citizenship of the country must take its stand, and demand of wealth that it shall conduct its business lawfully; that it shall no longer furnish the most flagrant examples of persistent violation of statutes, while invoking the protection of the courts; that it shall not destroy the equality of opportunity, the right to the pursuit of happiness, guaranteed by the constitution; that it shall keep its powerful hands off from legislative manipulation; that it shall not corrupt, but shall obey, the government that guards and protects its rights.

Mere passive good citizenship is not enough. Men must be aggressive for what is right, if government is to be saved from those who are aggressive for what is wrong. The nation has awakened somewhat slowly to a realization of its peril, but it has responded with gathering momentum. The reform movement now has the support of all the moral forces that the solution of a great problem can command. The few pioneer journals and journalists that at first stood alone are now reinforced by the best periodicals of the country. Churches are preaching the gospel of good citizenship. It is a popular

platform theme. Universities and common schools are beginning to recognize their first obligation to the state. Incorruptible leaders are replacing dishonest politicians. It has been happily suggested that it may become fashionable to be interested in civics and to be a good citizen. The outlook is hopeful. There is no room for pessimism. Every man should have faith. Advance ground has been secured which will never be surrendered by the American people. There is work for every one. The field is large. It is a glorious service, -this service for the country. The call comes to every citizen. It is an unending struggle to make and keep government truly representative. Each one should count it a patriotic duty to build at least a part of his life into the life of his country, to do his share in the making of America according to the plan of the fathers.

Robert Ml fra follette