May-Aug., 1741. fancy might be stirred without affliction to his lungs and eyes, let us shut it down again-might we but hope forever! That is too fond a hope. But the background or sustaining element made imaginable, the few events deserving memory may surely go on at a much swifter pace.

CHAPTER II.

CAMP OF STREHLEN.

FRIEDRICH'S Silesian Camps this Summer, Camp of Strehlen chiefly, were among the strangest places in the world. Friedrich, as we have often noticed, did not much pursue the defeated Austrians at or near Mollwitz, or press them toward flat ruin in their Silesian business: it is clear he anxiously wished a bargain without farther exasperation, and hoped he might get it by judicious patience. Brieg he took, with that fine outburst of bombardment which did not last a week; but Brieg once his, he fell quiet again; kept encamping, here, there, in that MollwitzNeisse region, for above three months to come; not doing much beyond the indispensable; negotiating much, or rather negotiated with, and waiting on events.1

Both Armies were re-enforcing themselves; and Friedrich's, for obvious reasons, in the first weeks especially, became much the stronger. Once in May, and again afterward, weary of the pace things went at, he had resolved on having Neisse at once; on attacking Neipperg in his strong camp there, and cutting short the tedious janglings and uncertainties. He advanced to Grotkau accordingly, some twelve or fifteen miles nearer Neisse (28th May—staid till 9th June), quite within wind of Neipperg and his outposts, but found still, on closer inspection, that he had better wait, and do so, withal, at a greater distance from Neipperg and his Pandour Swarms. He drew back, therefore,

1 In Camp of Mollwitz (nearer Brieg than the Battle-field was) till 28th May (after the Battle seven weeks); then to Camp at Grotkau (28th May -9th June, twelve days); thence (9th June) to Friedewalde, Herrnsdorf; to Strehlen (21st June-20th August, nine or ten weeks in all). See Helden-Geschichte, i., 924; ii., 931; Rödenbeck, Orlich, &c.

May-Aug., 1741.

to Strehlen, northwestward, rather farther from Neisse than before, and lay encamped there for nine or ten weeks to come. Not till the beginning of August did there fall out any military event (Pandour skirmishing in plenty, but nothing to call an event), and not till the end of August any that pointed to conclusive results. As it was at Strehlen where mostly these Diplomacies went on, and the Camp of Strehlen was the final and every way the main one, it may stand as the representative of these Diplomatizing Camps to us, and figure as the sole one, which in fact it nearly was.

Strehlen is a pleasant little Town, nestled prettily among its granite Hills, the steeple of it visible from Mollwitz, some twenty-five miles west of Brieg, some thirty south of Breslau, and about as far northwest of Neisse: there Friedrich and his Prussians lie, under canvas mainly, with outposts and detachments sprinkled about under roofs--a Camp of Strehlen, more or less imaginable by the reader; and worth his imagining; such a Camp, if not for soldiering, yet for negotiating and wagging of diplomatic wigs as there never was before. Here, strangely shifted hither, is the centre of European Politics all Summer. From the utmost ends of Europe come Embassadors to Strehlen: from Spain, France, England, Denmark, Holland - there are sometimes nine at once; how many successively and in total I never knew. They lodge generally in Breslau, but are always running over to Strehlen. There sits, properly speaking, the general Secret Parliament of Europe; and from most Countries, except Austria, representatives attend at Strehlen, or go and come between Breslau and Strehlen, submissive to the evils of field-life when need is a surprising thing enough to mankind, and big as the world in its own day, though gone now to small bulk, one Human Figure pretty much all that is left of memorable in it to mankind and us.

French Belleisle we have seen, who is gone again, long since, on his wide errands; fat Valori, too, we have seen, who is assiduously here. The other figures, except the English, can remain dark to us. Of Montijos, the eminent Spaniard, a brown little man, magnificent as the Kingdom of the Incas, with half a 2 Helden-Geschichte, i., 932.

May-Aug., 1741. page of titles (half a peck, five-and-twenty or more, of handles to his little name, if you should ever require it), who, finding matters so backward at Frankfurt, and nothing to do there, has been out, in the interim, touring to while away the tedium, and is here only as sequel and corroboration of Belleisle-say as bottle-holder, or as high-wrought peacock's tail to Belleisle-of the eminent Montijos I have to record next to nothing in the shape of negotiation ("Treaty" with the Termagant was once proposed by him here, which Friedrich in his politest way declined), and shall mention only that his domestic arrangements were sumptuous and commodious in the extreme. Let him arrive in the meanest village, destitute of human appliances, and be directed to the hut where he is to lodge, straightway from the fourgons and baggage-chests of Montijos is produced, first of all, a round of arras hangings, portable tables, portable stove, gold plate and silver; thus, with wax-lights, wines of richest vintage, exquisite cookeries, Montijos lodges, a king every where, creating an Aladdin's palace every where; able to say, like the Sage Bias, Omnia mea mecum porto. These things are recorded of Montijos. What he did in the way of negotiation has escaped men's memory, as it could well afford to do.

Of Hyndford's appurtenances for lodging we already had a glimpse, through Büsching once, pointing toward solid dinnercomforts rather than arras hangings, and justifying the English genius in that respect. The weight of the negotiations fell on Hyndford; it is between him and French Valori that the matter lies, Montijos and the others being mere satellites on their respective sides. Much battered upon, this Hyndford, by refractory Hanoverians pitting George as Elector against the same George as King, and egging these two identities to woeful battle with each other-"Lay me at his Majesty's feet," full length, and let his Majesty say which is which, then! A heavy, eating, haggling, unpleasant kind of mortal this Hyndford; bites and grunts privately, in a stupid ferocious manner, against this young King: "One of the worst of men, who will not take up the Cause of Liberty at all, and is not made in the image of Hyndford at all." They are dreadfully stiff reading, those Dispatches of Hyndford, but they have particles of current news in them,

May-Aug., 1741. interesting glimpses of that same young King-likewise of Hyndford laid at his Majesty's feet, and begging for self and brothers any good benefice that may fall vacant. We can discern, too, a certain rough tenacity and horse-dealer finesse in the man; a broad-based, shrewdly practical Scotch Gentleman, wide awake; and can conjecture that the diplomatic function in that element might have been in worse hands. He is often laid metaphorically at the King's feet, King of England's, and haunts personally the King of Prussia's elbow at all times, watching every glance of him like a British house-dog that will not be taken in with suspicious travelers if he can help it, and casting perpetual horoscopes in his dull mind.

Of Friedrich and his demeanor in this strange scene, centre of a World all drawing sword, and jumbling in huge Diplomatic and other delirium about his ears, the reader will desire to see a direct glimpse or two. As to the sad general Imbroglio of Diplomacies which then weltered every where, readers can understand that it has, at this day, fallen considerably obscure (as it deserved to do), and that even Friedrich's share of it is indistinct in parts. The game, wide as Europe, and one of the most intricate ever played by Diplomatic human creatures, was kept studiously dark while it went on, and it has not since been a pleasant object of study. Many of the Documents are still unpublished, inaccessible, so that the various moves in the game, especially what the exact dates and sequence of them were (upon which all would turn), are not completely ascertainable, nor, in truth, are they much worth hunting after through such an element. thing we could wish to have out of it, the one thing of sane that was in it: the demeanor and physiognomy of Friedrich as there manifested; Friedrich alone, or pretty much alone of all these Diplomatic Conjurers, having a solid veritable object in hand. The rest-the spiders are very welcome to it; who of mortals would read it, were it made never so lucid to him? Such traits of Friedrich as can be sifted out into the conceivable and indubitable state the reader shall have; the extinct Bedlam, that begirdled Friedrich far and wide, need not be resuscitated except for that object. Of Friedrich's fairness or of Friedrich's "trickiness, machiavelism, and attorneyism," readers will form their

One

7th May, 1741. own notion as they proceed. On one point they will not be doubtful, That here is such a sharpness of steady eyesight (like the lynx's, like the eagle's), and privately such a courage and fixity of resolution as are highly uncommon.

April 26th, 1741, in the same days while Belleisle arrived in the Camp at Mollwitz, and witnessed that fine opening of the cannonade upon Brieg, Excellency Hyndford got to Berlin; and on notifying the event, was invited by the King to come along to Breslau and begin business. England has been profuse enough in offering her "good offices with Austria" toward making a bargain for his Prussian Majesty, but is busy also, at the Hague, concerting with the Dutch "some strong joint resolution"- -resolution, Openly to advise Friedrich to withdraw his troops from Silesia, by way of starting fair toward a bargain. A very strong resolution, they and the Gazetteers think it; and ask themselves, Is it not likely to have some effect? Their High Mightinesses have been screwing their courage, and under English urgency have decided (April 24th),3 "Yes, we will jointly so advise!" and Friedrich has got inkling of it from Räsfeld, his Minister there. Hyndford's first business (were the Dutch Excellency once come up; but those Dutch are always hanging astern !) is to present said "Advice," and try what will come of that—an "Advice" now fallen totally insignificant to the Universe and us, only that readers will wish to see how Friedrich takes it, and if any feature of Friedrich discloses itself in the affair.

Excellency Hyndford has his First Audience (Camp of Mollwitz, May 7th); and Friedrich makes a most important Treaty-not with Hyndford.

May 2d, Hyndford arrived in Breslau, and after some preliminary flourishings, and difficulties about post-horses and furnitures in a seat of War, got to Brieg, and thence, May 7th, "to the Camp" (Camp of Mollwitz still), "which is about an English mile off;" Podewils escorting him from Brieg, and what we note farther, Pöllnitz too-our poor old Pöllnitz, some kind of Chief Goldstick, whom we did not otherwise know to be on active duty

3 Helden-Geschichte, i., 964; the Advice itself, a very mild-spoken Piece, but of riskish nature think the Dutch, is given, ib., 965-6.