DEATH OF GENERAL LYON. 53 followed, when, partially stunned, he walked a few paces to the rear and said to Major Schofield, despondingly, "I fear the day is lost."-"No, General, let us try once more," was the reply. The commander soon rallied, and, regardless of the blood still flowing from his wounds, he mounted the horse of one of Major Sturgis's orderlies, and placing himself in front of the Second Kansas, who were led by the gallant Colonel Mitchell, he swung his hat over his head, and calling loudly for the troops to follow, dashed forward with a desperate determination to gain the victory. Mitchell fell severely wounded, and his troops asked, "Who shall lead us?"-"I will lead you," said the chief; come on, brave men!" In a few moments afterward a rifle-ball entered his left side and passed through his body near the heart. He fell in the arms of his body-servant, Albert Lehman, saying: "Lehman, I am going," and expired a few seconds afterward. 66 It was about nine o'clock in the morning when General Lyon fell, and the command devolved upon Major Sturgis. The Confederates had just been repulsed along the whole line, and for twenty minutes there was another lull in the storm. Taking advantage of this respite, Sturgis consulted with his officers. The little army was dreadfully shattered, and its beloved leader was slain. In its front were at least twenty thousand men, of whom twothirds were effective soldiers. The Nationals. had then been without water nearly thirty hours, and a supply could be had only at Springfield, twelve miles distant. Certain defeat seemed to await the little band. The loss of Sigel's column was not then known. His silence was ominous. If he had retreated, nothing was left for Sturgis to do but to follow his example. The great question to be decided was, "Is retreat possible?" It was under consideration when the council was suddenly broken up by the appearance of a heavy body of infantry advancing from the hill on which Sigel's guns had been heard. Above them was seen waving the banner of the Union. Preparations were made to form a junction with them, and they had approached to a covered position within a short distance of Sturgis's line, when a battery upon a hill in the rear opened a heavy fire upon the Nationals, and the approaching troops displayed the Confederate flag. For the third time during the battle the Union soldiers had been deceived by this stratagem. In this case the Confederates came, having an appearance exactly like Sigel's men, and the battery with which they announced their true character was composed of Sigel's captured guns! Their voice was the signal for a renewal of the conflict, and they were speedily silenced by Dubois, supported by Osterhaus and a remnant of the First Missouri. The battle raged fiercely for a time. Totten's Battery, supported by Iowa and Regular troops, in the center of the National line, was the special object of attack. The two armies were sometimes within a few feet of each other, and faces were scorched by the flash of a foeman's gun. The Union column stood like a rock in the midst of turbulent waves, dashing them into foam. Its opponents were vastly its superior in numbers. At length its line, pressed by an enormous weight, began to bend. At that critical moment Captain Granger dashed forward from the rear with the support of Dubois's Battery, consisting of portions of the First Kansas, First Missouri, and First Iowa Regiments. These poured upon the Confederates a volley so destructive that their right wing recoiled, leaving the earth strewn with their dead and 54 THE NATIONALS WITHDRAWN FROM SPRINGFIELD. wounded. The confusion caused by this disaster spread over the entire Confederate line, and in broken masses they fell back to the shelter of the woods. At the same time, their wagon-train was on fire, its huge columns of black smoke in the distance giving heart to the Nationals by its seeming indications of a design on the part of the enemy to fly. But this they did not do. They held the field. 1861. Thus ended, at eleven o'clock in the morning," the BATTLE OF • Angust 10, WILSON'S CREEK,' after a struggle of five or six hours, which was not surpassed in intensity and prowess, on both sides, during the great war that followed. The National loss was between twelve and thirteen hundred, and that of the Confederates was, according to the most careful estimate, full three thousand. The shattered National troops were in no condition to follow up the advantage which they had gained in the closing contest. Their strength and their ammunition were nearly exhausted, and nothing remained for them to do but to fall back to Springfield. The order for that movement was given at the close of the battle, and the little army, joined on the way by a portion of the remnant of Sigel's column, reached the old camp, still under the protection of a body of Home Guards, at five o'clock in the afternoon. In the hurry of retreat, the body of General Lyon was left behind, but it was subsequently recovered." Under the general command of Colonel Sigel, the entire Union force left Springfield the next morning at three o'clock, and in good 6 August 11. order retreated to Rolla, one hundred and twenty-five miles distant, in the direction of St. Louis, safely conducting a Government train, five miles in length, and valued at one million five hundred thousand dollars. 1 The Confederates called this the Battle of Oak Hill, 2 The example of Lyon in the campaign, which for him ended at Springfield, inspired all of his followers with the most soldierly qualities, and they were eminently displayed afterward. From his little army a large number of commanders emanated, and were conspicuous, especially in the West. Two years afterward, a writer in the Detroit Tribune said: "There was present at Wilson's Creek the usual complement of officers for a force of five thousand men. From them have been made six major-generals, and thirteen brigadiers; colonels, lieutenant-colonels, and majors by the score have sprung from those who were then either line or non-commissioned officers. From one company of the First Iowa Infantry thirty-seven commissioned officers are now in the service. Similarly, one company of the First Missouri has contributed thirty-two. It is a curious fact, that, of the officers who survived the battle of Wilson's Creek, not one has been killed in battle, and only one has died from disease. In every battle for the Union the heroes of this terrible contest are found, and nowhere have they disgraced their old record. Is it not worth ten years of life to be able to say, I was in the campaign with Lyon ?" A poet of the day, apostrophizing the Spirit of Lyon as a terror to the conspirators, wrote: "For wheresoe'er thy comrades stand See reports of Major Sturgis, August 20th, 1861; of Colonel Sigel, August 18th, 1861, and of the subordinate officers of Lyon's army; also, reports of Generals Price and McCulloch and their subordinate officers. The National loss was reported at 223 killed, 721 wounded, and 292 missing. McCulloch reported the Confederate loss at 265 killed, 800 wounded, and 30 missing. At the same time, he reported the National loss to be over 2,000. He had previously said to a National officer, who was with a party at his quarters, under a flag of truce, "Your loss was very great, but ours was four times yours." See Report of the Committee on the Conduct of the War. General Price, in his report (August 12th, 1861), says the loss of his command was nearly 700, or nearly onefifth of his entire force. left. Lyon's body was placed in an ambulance to be moved from the field, but in the hurry of departure it was From Springfield, a surgeon with attendants was sent back for it, and General Price sent it to the town in his own wagon. In the confusion of abandoning Springfield, the next morning, it was again left behind, when, after being carefully prepared for burial by two members of Brigadier-General Clark's staff, it was delivered to the care of Mrs. Phelps (wife of J. S. Phelps, a former member of Congress from Missouri, and a stanch Union man), who caused it to be buried. A few days afterward it was disinterred and sent to St. Louis, and from there it was conveyed to its final resting-place in a churchyard at East Hartford, in Connecticut. MILITARY AND CIVIL AFFAIRS IN MISSOURI. 55 The Confederates, so greatly superior in numbers, did not follow, thereby acknowledging the groundlessness of their claim to a victory, which was so exultingly made.' Indeed, McCulloch, in his first official report, only said of the Nationals, "They have met with a signal repulse." It was not even that. The Union forces reached Rolla, a point of railway communication with St. Louis, on the 19th of August, where "Camp Good Hope" was established. The southern portion of Missouri was now left open to the sway of the Confederates, and they were securing important footholds in the vicinity of the Mississippi River. In the mean time, Harris, one of Governor Jackson's brigadiers, had been making a formidable display of power in Northeastern Missouri. He had rallied a considerable force at Paris, and commenced the work of destroying the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railway. He was driven away by loyal forces under Colonel Smith, when he organized guerrilla parties to harass and plunder the Union people. Finally, with twenty-seven hundred men, he joined General Price before Lexington. Other organized bands of Secessionists had been operating in Northeastern Missouri at the same time, and had compelled the Unionists to organize and arm themselves for defense. The latter, under Colonel Moore, formed a camp at Athens. The Secessionists also organized; and on the 5th of August, nearly fifteen hundred of them, led by Martin Green, and furnished with three pieces of cannon, fell upon Moore's force, of about four hundred in number, in the village of Athens, where the assailants were repulsed and utterly routed. The Unionists now flocked to Moore's victorious standard; and these being aided by General Pope, the Secessionists north of the Missouri River were soon made to behave very circumspectly. In the mean time, the loyal civil authorities of Missouri were making efforts to keep the State from the vortex of secession. The popular Convention, which had taken a stand in favor of the Union, as we have observed, reassembled at Jefferson City on the 22d of July, and proceeded to reorganize civil government for the State, which had been broken up by the flight of the Executive and other officers, and the dispersion of the legislators, many of whom were in the ranks of the enemies of the Government. The Convention declared the offices of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Secretary of State, to be vacant, by a vote of fifty-six to twenty-five. They also declared the seats of the members of the General Assembly vacant, by a vote of fifty-two to twenty-eight." On the following day they proceeded to the election of officers for a provisional government,3 and appomted the first Monday in November following as the time for the people a July 30, 1861. 1 McCulloch telegraphed to L. Pope Walker, at Richmond: "We have gained a great victory over the enemy." General Price spoke of it as "a brilliant victory," "achieved upon a hard-fought field," and said the Confederates had “scattered far and wide the well-appointed army which the usurper at Washington" had been for more than six months gathering. The Confederate "Congress," at Richmond, on the 21st of August, in the preamble to a resolution of thanks tendered to McCulloch and his men, declare that it had "pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe to the arms of the Confederate States another glorious and important victory;" while the newspaper press exhibited the greatest jubilation. "The next word will be," shouted the New Orleans Picayune of the 17th of August, "On to St. Louis!' That taken, the power of Lincolnism is broken in the whole West; and instead of shouting Ho! for Richmond!' and 'Ho! for New Orleans! there will be hurrying to and fro, among the frightened magnates at Washington, and anxious inquiries of what they shall do to save themselves from the vengeance to come." 2 See page 462, volume I. Hamilton R. Gamble, Provisional Governor; Willard P. Hall, Lieutenant-Governor; and Mordecai Oliver, Secretary of State. 56 CONTEST BETWEEN LOYALISTS AND SECESSIONISTS. to elect persons to fill the same offices. After transacting other necessary business, the Convention issued an Address to the people, in which the state of public affairs was clearly set forth, and the dangers to the State, in consequence of the hostile movements of the Secessionists within its borders and invaders from without, were as plainly portrayed. The treason of the Governor and his associates was exposed, whereby the action of the Convention in organizing a provisional government was justified. On the 3d of August, the Provisional Governor issued a proclamation to the people, calculated to allay their apprehension concerning one of their special interests. "No countenance," he said, "will be afforded to any scheme, or to any conduct, calculated in any degree to interfere with the institution of slavery existing in the State. To the very utmost extent of executive power that institution will be protected." This assurance was a mordant for the loyalty of the Union-loving slaveholders, and the new provisional government received the confidence and support of the majority of the people. Large numbers of the disaffected inhabitants took an oath of allegiance,' and the friends of order were greatly encouraged. Whilst the loyal State Convention and the provisional government were laboring to bring order out of chaos in Missouri, the leaders in rebellion there were making the strongest efforts to secure the absolute control of the Commonwealth. On the day when the Convention sent forth its address, the disloyal Lieutenant-Governor (Thomas C. Reynolds), then at New Madrid, on the Mississippi River, issued a proclamation to the people of the State, in which he declared that, acting as Chief Magistrate during the temporary absence of Governor Jackson, he had returned to proclaim, under the provisions of an act of the disloyal legislature, the absolute severance of Missouri from the Union. "Disregarding forms, and looking to realities," he said, "I view any ordinance for the separation from the North, and union with the Confederate States, as a mere outward ceremony to give notice to others of an act already consummated in the hearts of her people," and that, consequently, "no authority of the United States will hereafter be permitted in Missouri." With such views of the political rights of the people, it was natural for him to consign them to the inflictions of a military despotism; so, in the same proclamation, he announced that, by invitation of Governor Jackson, General Pillow, commander of the Tennessee troops in the Confederate service, had entered Missouri, and that he was empowered “to make 1 The following is a copy of the oath which the Confederate leaders had compelled the citizens to take:"Know all men, that I, -, of the County of, State of Missouri, do solemnly swear that I will bear true allegiance to the State of Missouri, and support the Constitution of the State, and that I will not give aid, comfort, information, protection, or encouragement to the enemies or opposers of the Missouri State Guard, or of their allies, the Armies of the Confederate States, upon the penalty of death for treason." 2 General Pillow landed with his troops at New Madrid, at near the close of July. His first order issued there was on the 28th, prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors to his soldiers. He had suggested this movement into Missouri at an early period, as one of vast importance in his plans for seizing Bird's Point and Cairo. Whilst engaged in strongly fortifying Memphis, Randolph, and one or two other points on the Tennessee shore of the Mississippi, he earnestly recommended the occupation of New Madrid and Island No. 10 by his troops, and the erection of strong fortifications there, for the twofold purpose of making New Madrid his base of operations against Bird's Point and Cairo, and of preventing armed vessels descending the river, it being evident early in June that preparations were being made for that purpose. At the middle of June he was ready to move forward, and only awaited a compliance of Governor Harris, with a requisition of Pillow for additional troops from Middle Tennessee. The threatening aspect of affairs in loyal East Tennessee at that time so alarmed Harris that he hesitated, and telegraphed to Pillow on the 22d of June, as follows: "I still approve, but cannot send troops from here until matters in East Tennessee are settled." Pillow was disappointed and annoyed, and PILLOW AND JEFF. THOMPSON. 57 and enforce such civil police regulations as he may deem necessary for the security of his forces, the preservation of order and discipline in his camp, and the protection of the lives and property of the citizens;" in other words, martial law was established within indefinite limits by this avowed usurper of the rights of the people. He clothed M. Jeff. Thompson,' one of Jackson's Missouri brigadiers, with the same power; and he and Pillow, and W. J. Hardee (who had abandoned his flag, joined the insurgents, and was commissioned a brigadier in the Confederate Army), now held military possession of the southeastern districts of the Commonwealth, and made vigorous preparations to co-operate with Price and his associates in "expelling the enemy from the State." Pillow assumed the pompous title of "Liberator of Missouri," and his orders and dispatches were commenced, "Head-Quarters Army of Liberation.” Governor Jackson, who had been to Richmond to make arrangements for on the following day he wrote to the Governor, saying: "I think it exceedingly unfortunate that you have suspended the movements forward against Bird's Point and Cairo for the relief of Missouri. The main body of the force at these two points has been withdrawn, in consequence of the pressure in the East and the rising up of Missouri, and the work of taking these points would now be of comparatively easy accomplishment. If my movements are to be suspended until East Tennessee ceases to sulk and becomes loyal, it will defer my action to a period when I cannot assume the offensive state. In my judgment, two, three, or four regiments is a force sufficient for any probable contingency in view of the position of East Tennessee. Without aid from the forces of Middle Tennessee I have not the means of advancing, nor will I attempt it. In ten days the enemy will, in all probability, increase his force at Cairo, and will have his three gunboats, mounting 30 guns, at Cairo, and then it would be madness to attempt a dislodgment.” Then, and for some time afterward, the great want of the Army of Tennessee was arms. In July, Pillow issued an order directing the gathering up of all the rifles in private hands in Western Tennessee, for the purpose of having them made of uniform bore and devoted to the public use. In his appeal to the people, he said: "Seventy-thousand additional troops must be raised to protect the country. These troops can be armed only by the country rifles being procured, and thus converted... These rifles will give you no protection when scattered over the country in your houses. Nothing will save the country from being overrun and devastated by a more than savage foe, but arms in the hands of organized and drilled troops." Workshops for the purpose of changing these arms were employed at Memphis, under Captain Hunt. Agents were appointed to collect the rifles, who were autnorized to give certificates of purchase, the weapons to be afterwards paid for by the Confederate government.-Pillow's MS. Order Book. Among a mass of autograph letters before me is one from General S. R. Anderson to General Pillow, dated May 18th, 1861, in which he makes an important disclosure concerning evident preparations for revolt having been made by the authorities of Tennessee, several months before the election of Mr. Lincoln. He says: "I am using every effort to collect together the arms of the State issued to volunteer companies, raised for political purposes and otherwise, and now disbanded; and in looking over the bonds given for arms, as found in the Secretary of State's office, I find that on the 4th of July last [1860], there was issued to W. J. Hendricks, J. E. Crowder, R. E. Moody, and R. Winslow, of Lagrange, West Tenn., the following arms: 64 swords and 128 pistols. These arms are worth looking after, and I would respectfully suggest to you to have them looked after and gathered up, if not in the hands of such men as are going to take the field." 1 Thompson, who became a notorious guerrilla chief, like Pillow, seemed fond of issuing proclamations and writing letters, in both of which he indulged much in hyperbole. Many of the latter, written at the period we are now considering, are before me. The day after Reynolds issued his proclamation, Thompson sent forth the following manifesto to the people of Missouri, which is a fair specimen of his style: “Come, now, strike while the iron is hot! Our enemies are whipped in Virginia. They have been whipped in Missouri. General Hardee advances in the center, General Pillow on the right, and General McCulloch on the left, with 20,000 brave Southern hearts, to our aid. So leave your plows in the furrow, and your oxen in the yoke, and rush like a tornado upon our invaders and foes, to sweep them from the face of the earth, or force them from the soil of our State! Brave sons of the Ninth District, come and join us! We have plenty of ammunition, and the cattle on ten thousand hills are ours. We have forty thousand Belgian muskets coming; but bring your guns and muskets with you, if you have them; if not, come without them. We will strike your foes like a Southern thunderbolt, and soon our camp-fires will illuminate the Merrimac and Missouri. Come, turn out. "JEFF. THOMPSON, Brig.-General Comd g.” Many Missourians who had fled from the State, late in May and early in June, had entered the Tennessee Army. It was desirable to have these and other exiled citizens of that State organized for home duty, and Thompson was sent to Memphis for that purpose. There, on the 14th of June, a meeting of Missourians was held, and in a series of resolutions they asked Pillow for quarters and subsistence, and the release from service in the Tennessee Army, such Missourians as had been enlisted. The autograph letter to Pillow inclosing these resolutions is before me, and is signed by M. Jeff. Thompson, B. Newton Hart, Thomas P. Hoy, N. J. McArthur, James George, and Lewis H. Kennerly. |