The immediate command now devolved upon Colonel Lee, but Cogswell, his superior, soon took the control of affairs. Seeing the desperate situation of the troops, with an overwhelming force on their front and flanks, and a deep and turbulent river in their rear, Cogswell ordered them to move to the left, and attempt to cut their way through to Edwards's Ferry, about three miles distant, where they might receive the aid of the force there under General Stone. This movement was about to take place, when the Tammany Regiment, deceived by the beckoning of a Confederate officer, whom they mistook for a National one, dashed off on a charge in the direction indicated by the deceiver, carrying with them the rest of the line. Then a destructive fire at close distance was poured upon the whole column by the Thirteenth Mississippi Regiment, Colonel William Barksdale, which advanced from the direction of the ferry. Cogswell's plan was frustrated, and he gave orders for his whole force to retire immediately to Harrison's Island, and thence to the Maryland shore.

That retreat almost instantly became a rout. Down the steep declivity the Nationals hurried, in wild disorder, to reach the boats, while the Confederates, who had followed them up to the brow of the bluff with ball and bayonet, fired into the straggling mass below with murderous effect. The fugitives huddled on the shore,

formed in some order at first, and kept up the hopeless fight for a time, while endeavoring to cross the flood to Harrison's Island. Only one large flatboat was there, and that, with an over-load of wounded and others, at the beginning of its first voyage, was riddled with bullets, and sunk. The smaller vessels had disappeared in the gloom, and there was no means of escape for the Unionists but by swimming. This was attempted by some. Several of them were shot in the water,' and others, swept away by the current in the darkness, were drowned.

A little more than one-fourth of the whole of Cogswell's

Captain Beirel, of the

slug from a Mississippi Yager wounded his arm and made a terrible opening in his side. California regiment, who was close by Baker, caught the slayer of his friend by the throat, just as he was stooping to seize the colonel's sword, and with his pistol blew out his brains. Baker had enjoined many of his California regiment that if he should fall in battle, not to let the Confederates get possession of his body. Beirel, the avenger, and the brave leader of company G of that regiment, acting upon these instructions, raised the precious burden in his arms and bore it away amid a shower of bullets, and delivered it to Major Young, who conveyed it safely to the river and took it across.

1 Pollard says (i. 181) that after the Nationals had surrendered, "the Confederates kept up their fire upon those who tried to cross, and many not drowned in the river were shot in the act of swimming."

2 The gallant Captain Beirel was among the last who left the shore and swam across the river. He was compelled to drop his sword mid way, in order to save his life. Many of the men, before they surrendered, threw their arms into the river. Bramhall's gun had been spiked and completely disabled. It was brought to the bluff and tumbled over, with the intention of having it go into the river.

144

DISASTER AT BALL'S BLUFF.

command, including himself and Colonel Lee, were made prisoners, and marched off to Leesburg, whilst Colonel Devens escaped on his horse, that swam across the turbulent Potomac. A few were saved from captivity by stealing along under the banks, and making their way to Gorman's camp below.

While the contest was raging at Ball's Bluff, General Stone, who was at Edwards's Ferry with about seven thousand troops, had been sending over the remainder of Gorman's brigade to co-operate with Baker, all the while unsuspicious of the perilous condition of the troops of that commander. He

for a brigade of his division, to place on the Maryland shore, in support of the troops on Harrison's Island and the severely pressed combatants on Ball's Bluff.'

A little while afterward, the sad news of Baker's death was received, and Stone hastened forward to take command in person. On his way he was met by some of the fugitives, with the tale that the Confederates were ten thousand strong, and that all was lost. Still ignorant of the position of McCall, he left orders to hold Harrison's Island, and then hastened back to Edwards's Ferry, to secure the safety of the twenty-five hundred troops that he

a Oct. 22, 1861.

had sent across the river. There he was joined by General Banks, at three o'clock in the morning," who took the chief command. Orders arrived at about the same time, from General McClellan, to hold the Island and the Virginia shore at all hazards, and intimating that. re-enforcements would be sent.

So ended the BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF, in disaster to the National arms. In the camps of the Unionists, in the vicinity of the battle, on that gloomy night of the 21st of October, there was darkness and woe, while the little

1 Stone had kept McClellan advised of the progress of affairs at Ball's Bluff during the afternoon, and the latter commander, toward evening, ordered General Banks to send one brigade to the support of the troops on Harrison's Island, and to move with the other two to Seneca Mills, ready to support General Stone, at Edwards's Ferry. See McClellan's Report, page 84.

* Reports of General Charles P. Stone and his subordinates, October 28th, 1861, and of General N. G. Evans, the Confederate commander, October 25th, 1861. The latter report was, in several respects, marred by misrepresentations. It represented the Confederate force at only 1,709, omitting to state the fact that there was a strong reserve of Mississippi troops, with six guns, posted so as to repel any troops that might approach from Edwards's Ferry. From the best information since obtained, it is agreed that Evans's force numbered 4,000. His report also claimed that, with his small force of 1,700, eight thousand Nationals were fought and beaten, and that the Confederates killed and captured a greater number than their whole force engaged. It also declared that long-range cannon were fired upon the Confederates from the Maryland side of the river, when there were no heavy guns there at the time of the battle.

3 This is called the Battle of Leesburg by Confederate writers.

village of Leesburg, near by, whither the captives were taken, was brilliantly illuminated, and the Confederates there were wild with joy. The Union loss was about one thousand men and three cannon. Nearly three hundred men were killed, and over five hundred were made prisoners and taken to Richmond.' The Confederate loss was about three hundred. According to General Evans's report, he had one hundred and fifty-three killed, including Colonel E. R. Burt, of the Eighteenth Mississippi, and two taken prisoners. He did not mention the number of his wounded, which was reported to be large.

The death of Senator Baker was felt as a national calamity.' He was one of the ablest men of his time as a statesman and orator. Thoroughly comprehending the great issue, and the horrible crime of the conspirators, he had eagerly left the halls of legislation (where he had combated the friends. of the criminals with eloquent words, and voted for abundant means to crush the rebellion) to lead his countrymen into battle for the right. The achievements of his little band at Ball's Bluff, who composed a part of the Army of the Potomac, assisted greatly in effacing from the escutcheon of that army the stain it received at the battle of Bull's Run.

Again, as in the case of the battle of Bull's Run, the grieved, and disappointed, and mortified loyal people demanded an explanation of the catastrophe. To the most inexpert there appeared evidence of fatal mismanagement. General McClellan, General Stone, and Colonel Baker all received censure at different times, and by different persons; the first, for remissness in duty in not informing Stone of the retrograde movement of McCall, and sending re-enforcements; the second, for sending troops across the river without adequate transportation for a larger body at a time; and the third, for rashness in crossing at all and engaging the Confederates, double his own in numbers. There was a natural clamor for investigation, and, on the assembling of Congress, the House of Representatives passed a resolution asking the

1 Twenty-four of the prisoners were officers, namely, two colonels, one major, one adjutant, one assistantsurgeon, seven captains, and twelve lieutenants. The colonels were M. Cogswell (Captain of the Eighth U. S. Infantry), of the Forty-second New York Volunteers, and W. Raymond Lee, of the Twentieth Massachusetts Volunteers. The major was P. J. Rivers, of the latter regiment. At Leesburg, General Evans (who was represented as a tall, strong man, of unusual length of limb, and in manners courteous and dignified) offered the captains a parole on the condition that they should not, unless exchanged, again "bear arms against the Southern Confederacy." They refused to accept it, and were sent to Richmond by way of Manassas, arriving there at nine o'clock in the morning of the 24th of October, where they were greeted with many jeers from an immense crowd, such as "I say, Yanks, how do you feel?" The captains were confined in the tobacco warehouse, already mentioned on page 26, where they were soon brought under the petty tyranny of the notorious General Winder. A full account of the experience of the captains may be found in a little volume entitled "Prison Life in the Tobacco Warehouse at Richmond," by Lieutenant William C. Harris, of Baker's California regiment.

2 In a general order issued by McClellan, on the day after the battle, he announced the death of Baker, and spoke of him as one having "many titles to honor," as a patriot "zealous for the honor of his adopted country' (he was born in England), cut off "in the fullness of his power as a statesman, and in the course of a brilliant career as a soldier distinguished in two wars," When Congress met, in December, the Senate appointed a day (the 11th of that month) for the consideration of the death of this distinguished member. The President was there to participate in the mournful proceedings. Most touching eulogies were pronounced by the dead hero's compatriots of the Senate. From that body went resolutions to the House of Representatives, where like proceedings were held; and all over the country there was general grief because of the fall of that noble man. California, which had been his chosen residence for a long time, the news of his death created a profound sensation. It reached San Francisco a few days after the battle, the line of telegraph between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans having been just completed. That line was opened for messages on the 25th of October, when a communication (the first) was sent by Judge Field to President Lincoln. While they were preparing in San Francisco, on the following day, to fire a salute in honor of this important event, a dispatch from the East announced the death of Baker. Rejoicing was changed into mourning, and the celebration was deferred.

VOL. II.-48

In

146

a Dec. 16,

1861.

THE CASE OF GENERAL STONE.

Secretary of War "whether any, and, if any, what measures had been taken to ascertain who was responsible for the disastrous movement of the National troops at Ball's Bluff." It was answered that General McClellan was of the opinion that "an inquiry on the subject of the resolution would, at that time, be injurious to the public service." But General McClellan had already answered that inquiry, so far as one of the commanders was concerned. He was at Stone's head-quarters, at Poolesville, twenty-four hours after the disaster, and from there had telegraphed to the President, saying, "I have investigated this matter, and General Stone is without blame. Had his orders been followed, there could (or would) have been no disaster." This was unknown to the public. They were dissatisfied with the apparent desire on the part of the General-in-chief to stifle investigation, and more than ever he was held to be personally responsible for the disaster.

1862.

For a time there were warm discussions in Congress on the subject. Finally a victim appeared to propitiate the public feeling, in the Feb. 8, person of General Stone, who was arrested' by order of the War Department and sent to Fort Lafayette, at the entrance to New York Bay, and then used for the confinement of political prisoThere he was detained until the following August, when, without trial, or any public proceedings whatever, he was released. That fort

FORT LAFAYETTE

ress being a place of durance for men charged with treasonable acts, this gallant and truly patriotic officer suffered patiently and silently, for a greater portion of the war, under the imputations of disloyalty. He was imprisoned without public accusation, was held a prisoner about six months, in profound

ignorance of any charges against him, and was released without comment by the power that closed the prison doors upon him.

But little more remains to be said concerning affairs at Ball's Bluff.

1 Dispatch to President Lincoln, Tuesday evening, October 224, 1861. General Stone well knew that the public would naturally blame him for the disaster, he being in chief command there, and he had suggested to General McClellan that he should desire a court of inquiry, when that officer showed him the above satisfactory vindication by the highest authority.

2 The proceedings in this case were extraordinary. So full was the acquittal of all blame accorded by General McClellan to General Stone, in his dispatch to the President, that Stone was not only retained in command, but his force was increased to the number of 12,000 men. For about a hundred days Stone was busily engaged in his duties, and had just submitted to McClellan a plan for the capture of General D. H. Hill and his force of 4,500 men, lying opposite his camp, when he was ordered to Washington, and placed before the Committee on the Conduct of the War, to answer charges against his loyalty. His explanations were such that the Committee simply reported to the Secretary of War that, on the points to which his attention had been called, "the testimony was conflicting."

General Stone heard nothing more of the matter until the night of the 8th of February, when, after being engaged at Willard's hotel, in Washington, in the examination of maps until almost midnight, he was retiring to his residence, he found General Sykes, an old friend, and then commander of the city guard, waiting for him,

A PRISONER OF STATE.

147

Supposing all the troops to be on the Virginia side of the Potomac, McClellan telegraphed to Stone to intrench himself there, and to hold his position, at all hazards, until re-enforcements should arrive. At the same time he ordered Banks to remove the remainder of his division to Edwards's Ferry, and send over as many men as possible to re-enforce Stone. These orders were promptly obeyed. Intrenchments were thrown up; large numbers of

with orders from General McClellan for his arrest, and immediate departure for Fort Lafayette.* He exchanged his military for citizen's dress, said a few consoling words to his wife, and departed for Sykes's quarters, where he was kept until morning, and then sent under a guard to Fort Hamilton, near Fort Lafayette. Before leaving he had written to the Adjutant-General, asking for information concerning his arrest, not doubting that there was some strange misunderstanding in the matter. On the 10th he was in the custody of Colonel Burke, at Fort Hamilton, and was then taken over to Fort Lafayette in a boat. There he was confined in a casemate fifty four days, receiving the most kind treatment. There he again wrote to the Adjutant-General, requesting a copy of charges, and a trial, but, as before, was denied any response.

In the mean time, General Stone's friends had unsuccessfully endeavored to obtain justice for him at Washing ton. When his brother-in-law, on his way thither, stopped in New York, to consult with Lieutenant-General Scott, the astonished veteran, who had not till then heard of his arrest, indignantly exclaimed, “Colonel Stone a traitor' Why, if he is a traitor, I am a traitor, and we are all traitors. While holding Washington last year, he was my right hand, and I do not hesitate to say that I could not have held the place without him.”+

After the lapse of fifty-four days, General Stone was transferred to Fort Hamilton, where he had larget liberty. He was released on the 16th of August, by an order from the War Department, sent by telegraph. He immediately applied for orders to active duty; and on returning to Washington he searched in vain in the office of the Adjutant-General and of the War Department for the order for his arrest; the law requiring the officer issuing such order to give a statement in writing, signed with his own name, and noting the offense, within twenty-four hours. Halleck, then General-in-Chief, knew nothing about it. Stone then went to the President, who said he knew nothing about the matter, but kindly remarked, "I could never be made to believe General Stone was a traitor." In endeavors to give to his country his active services in the war he was thwarted and it was not until May, 1863, that he was allowed to enter again upon duty in the field, when he was ordered to report to General Banks, then the commander of the Department of the Gulf. He served faithfully during the remainder of the war, until prostrated by malarious fever before Petersburg, when the service lost a meritorious and patriotic officer.

In this connection, the following letter, written to the author by the Superintendent of the Metropolitan Police of the City of New York, may be appropriately given. It furnishes interesting additions to the histor of Mr. Lincoln's journey from Philadelphia to Washington, in February, 1861, given in the first volume of thir work. "Office of the Superintendent of Metropolitan Police, 300 Mulberry Street. "New York, August 18th, 1866.

BENSON J. LOSSING, Esq.,

"Poughkeepsie, New York.

"DEAR SIR:-On reading your description of the manner in which the late President Lincoln was induced to change his route in going to the City of Washington, in February, 1861, I was impressed with the faithfulness, so far as the narrative goes, but regretted that it was not more full in showing how and to whom the country is indebted for the safety of his valuable life at that important period.

It will be remembered that there was much uncertainty at the beginning of the late rebellion as to what course the conspirators designed taking to carry out their plans; and, with the view of ascertaining their purpose, in the latter part of December, 1860, I detailed two of my most intelligent detectives to proceed to Washington, with instructions to endeavor to discover the secret plans of the conspirators, if they had any, for taking possession of the seat of Government, and to communicate with Senator Grimes, of Iowa, on the subject. I did not know the Senator personally at that time, but I had a reputation of him that justified me in confiding in him.

"On Friday, January 4th, 1861, I received a note from Hon. Schuyler Colfax, requesting me to send a number of detectives to Washington, for the same purpose that I had already dispatched the two alluded to. I then

* In the report of the Committee on the Conduct of the War (Part II., page 18) is a statement of General McClellan, that on the day of the arrest he received information from a refugee from Leesburg, which, in his mind, "tended to corroborate some of the charges made against General Stone," which he reported to the Secretary of War, and received orders to arrest the General and send him immediately to Fort Lafayette. What those charges were, neither the Committee on the Conduct of the War nor General McClellan ever made public.

+ When, late in 1860, General Stone, who had left the army (in which he held the commission of captain by brevet, awarded for meritorious services in Mexico), was in Washington City, General Scott desired him to rally around him the loyal men of the District of Columbia. He complied, and on the 1st of January, 1861, he was made Inspector-general of the District. He at once commenced organizing and instructing volunteers, and when Fort Sumter was attacked he had under him no less than 3,000 well-organized troops fit for service. He was the first man mustered into the service for the defense of the Capital. That was done on the 2d day of January, 1861. He was in command of the troops in Washington during the dark days at the close of April, when that city was cut off from the loyal people. During those seven days, he slept but three hours in his bed, all other rest being taken in his military cloak. All the outposts around Washington were under his command until the passage of a portion of the army into Virginia, in May (see pages 480, 481, and 482, volume I.), and some of his troops were the first to encounter the pickets of the insurgents.