CHAPTER XI.

PROTECTORATE OF OLIVER CROMWELL.

Ultimate Prize of Heroes; Cromwell, like others, sought the Reward of Public Services. -- His astonishing Military Career; Victories of Dunbar and Worcester; Conqueror of Three Kingdoms. — His temporary Quietude. Dissolves the Long Parliament and Council of State; Firmness of Serjeant Bradshaw. - Failures of Oliver in Attempts at Parliamentary Government. His restless desire for Kingship.- Scruples of the House of Lords. - Energetic Government of the Protector. His general Character. Question of the Predominant Religious or Political Bearing of the Civil War.— Divisions of the Presbyterians and Independents. — Cromwell not Intolerant. His Foreign Alliances.-- Increasing Difficulties of his Position. Conclusion of the Interregnum. — Lessons inculcated.

THE great leaders of mankind, not less than their humbler followers, seldom fail to make full appraisement of the public services they render. If they win victories, conquer new territories, or ride the whirlwind of civil commotion, they do not omit, in the sequel of their career, to call for ample compensation for the obligations of gratitude they may have imposed on nations. The histories of Julius Cæsar, of Oliver Cromwell, and Napoleon Bonaparte bear testimony to the truth of this conclusion. They all signalised themselves by heroic deeds, saved their country from imminent perils, and then, immediately opportunity offered, sought the highest reward by forcibly seizing the glittering prize of absolute power. It can hardly, however, be said with justice of these illustrious chiefs, that, in the first instance, they obtru

sively challenged the preeminent distinction that awaited them; but that, in their primitive obscurity, they patiently abided their time, till they became a necessity of their age, and the urgency of the crisis, cooperating with antecedent demonstrations of fitness, brought the existing public want into meet companionship with the individual ambition it had fostered.

What is here propounded appears fairly applicable to the development of Oliver Cromwell. The quiet and nothingness of his personal history up to middle life gave not any indication of his future public capabilities. Hardly an anecdote or incident has been recorded of him that betrays the rough diamond destined to shine with such surpassing lustre; and the darkness of his early progress is almost as profound as the entire biography of the great Shakspeare. But when the condition of the times became favourable to his peculiar genius, his aspirations expanded, and his extraordinary abilities became so indisputable as to transcend all rival claims to the foremost place.

Consequently the accession of Cromwell to the Protectorship may be considered the natural, if not unavoidable, sequel to his zealous and matchless public exploits. The Commonwealth had not been unmindful of his devoted and successful toils. All that it could bestow it had spontaneously awarded to him. He was made captaingeneral of its armies; the royal palaces of St. James's, Whitehall, and Hampton Court were assigned for his abode; and a munificent revenue granted him. His deserts equalled, and perhaps, in his estimate, exceeded them all. He was the heroic subduer of three kingdoms. England, Scotland, and Ireland, in rapid sequence, had felt the edge of his conquering sword, and, for the first time in history, were united under one dominion. Ire

HIS ASTONISHING MILITARY CAREER.

191

land had been all but lost to the republic, Dublin and Derry alone remaining faithful. In one dreadful campaign Oliver overran it; dead winter hardly stopped him. Forward he sped from Drogheda to Kilkenny, laying waste with Norman fury all around him. His march was bloody and unpitying, prompted, it may be, by the religious frenzy he had imbibed against papal idolators, or the policy of making a fierce example among a barbarous people.

His task, however, was completed. In ten months he was again in England. In the interim, Scotland had risen in favour of the royalists. Their chastisement was offered to Fairfax; he accepted, then declined the office from Presbyterian sympathies. He was a generous, brave, and skilful leader, and had greatly distinguished himself in the civil war; but under the influence, it is said, of Lady Fairfax, shrunk back from the king's trial and execution. Had he maintained his popular position in the army, and been successful in Scotland, he might have intercepted Cromwell in his lofty career.

The difficulties Oliver had to encounter in Scotland were immense. One only of them would have sufficed to overwhelm an ordinary man. He was greatly outnumbered by the Scotch; they were wary in strategy, and resolute in battle. For awhile he was at fault, but kept a watchful eye on their movements; and it was only when Lesley had the imprudence to forego the vantage ground of the heights of Dunbar that the English general descried his opportunity and the Lord's deliverance. The mist that had hung over the field cleared off, the sun burst forth, and the hymn of victory began :

"O Lord our God, arise!

Scatter our enemies,

And make them fall."

The invincible Ironsides did the rest: in their coats of mail, they fought like demons with the pike and the buttends of their muskets, the deadly bayonet not having come 3000 of the enemy slain and 10,000 prisoners were the trophies of this bloody day.

into use.

Pending this arduous campaign Cromwell had a severe ague, that held him two months, relieved only by tortuous theological disputes with Presbyterian divines. Upon his recovery he crossed the Forth, and advanced as far north as Perth. It was here news reached him of the sudden advance in an opposite direction of the royalists into England. He quickly followed, leaving General Monk to finish the settlement of Scotland. The crowning victory of Worcester closed his military triumphs, and, unlike the career of many warriors, it closed unchequered by a reverse.

For eighteen months after Cromwell appears to have rested from his labours without taking a prominent part in public affairs. He was not idle, however, in scheming. Whitelocke not favouring his project of kingship, Lord Broghill, Pierpoint, Sir Charles Wolsey, and Thurloe, his secretary, became his confidential advisers.

Meanwhile the parliament was urging on with much energy and resources the Dutch war, the glories of which, however, failed to reconcile the people to the heavy taxes it required. Fiscal difficulties increased by the army, at the instigation of Cromwell, petitioning for its arrears of pay; they were said to be impatient; and they next prayed for dissolution. These embarrassments, cooperating with the popular impression that the Commons meant to render their power permanent, and the selfishness of some of them, made the requisite crisis for Oliver's inroad. The well-known military violence followed, and the famous Long Parliament,

DISSOLUTION OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE. 193

which for twelve years had energetically defended and next invaded the public liberties, fell by the parricidal hands of its champion.

On the same day, in the afternoon, the council of state at Derby House was dispersed. Bradshaw had just taken the chair when Cromwell entered and told them that if they were there as private individuals, they were welcome; but if as the council of state, they must know that the parliament was dissolved, and with it the council. "Sir," replied Bradshaw, "we have heard what you did at the House this morning, and before many hours all England will know it. But, sir, you are mistaken to think that the parliament is dissolved. No power under heaven can dissolve them but themselves. Therefore take you notice of that." The council then withdrew.

All government was thus deposed, and transferred to Cromwell and his council of officers. It was the sword alone that ruled; but neither the needful taxes could be raised nor the civil administration carried on unaided by more capable auxiliaries. The forms of free government were at least indispensable, and accordingly Cromwell. summoned 139 representatives for England, six for Wales, six for Ireland, and five for Scotland. Upon these he professed to devolve the entire power of the state. About 120 met at Whitehall July 4. 1653. They were to exercise their powers during fifteen months, and then nominate their successors. The character and composition of this gathering, and the practical usefulness of its legislative views, have been unfairly depreciated. "They were," as Mr. Lingard observes, "men of independent fortunes, and of intelligence, bating the prevalent fanaticism."* Many of the measures they

* History of England, vol. xi. p. 187.