Knocking Round the Rockies; The Crest of the Continent; Western Canada; The Book of the Ocean, etc. He is also editor and part author of a series of guide-books to the Eastern States and cities. lished a political satire, called Inchiquin can Birds; the Oyster Industries of the the Jesuit's Letters. In 1813 he was in United States; Friends Worth Knowing; Congress, and from 1815 to 1829 he was United States district-attorney. He was again in Congress from 1841 to 1847, when he was a Democratic leader. President Polk nominated him minister to France, but the Senate did not confirm the nomination. He wrote a history of the second war between the United States and Great Britain. He died in Philadelphia, Jan. 14, 1862. Ingersoll, EDWARD, author; born in Philadelphia, Pa., April 2, 1817; son of Charles Jared Ingersoll; graduated at the University of Pennsylvania in 1835. His publications include History and Law of Habeas Corpus and Grand Juries; and Personal Liberty and Martial Law. He was also the editor of Hale's Pleas of the Crown; Addison on Contracts; and Saunders on Uses and Trusts. He died in Germantown, Pa., Feb. 19, 1893. Ingersoll, ERNEST, naturalist; born in Monroe, Mich., March 13, 1852; was educated at Oberlin College and the Harvard Museum of Comparative Zoology. He became connected with the Hayden Survey in 1873, and later was made a member of the United States Fish Commission. In 1880 he was a special agent of the census to report on the oyster industry. He went to California in 1883 to write special articles for Harper's Magazine. Later he was editor of the Canadian Pacific Railway Company's publications in Montreal. He is author of Nests and Eggs of Ameri Ingersoll, JARED; born in Milford, Conn., in 1722; graduated at Yale in 1742; was stamp agent in 1765. He was obliged to reship the stamps he had received and to resign his office. He is the author of The Stamp Act. He died in New Haven, Conn., in August, 1781. . INGERSOLL, ROBERT GREEN Ingersoll, ROBERT GREEN, lawyer; born in Dresden, N. Y., Aug. 11, 1833; began the study of law when eighteen years old, and three years later was admitted to the bar. His gift of oratory soon made him a distinguished man, both in the courts and in Democratic politics. In 1857 he removed from Shawneetown, Ill., to Peoria, and in 1860 was an unsuccessful candidate for Congress. In 1862 he organized the 11th Illinois Cavalry and went to the front as its colonel. He spent most of his military career in raiding and scouting. On Nov. 28, 1862, while endeavoring to intercept a Confederate raiding body with 600 men, he was attacked by a force of 10,000, and captured. He was almost immediately paroled, and placed in command of a camp at St. Louis. After a few months in this capacity, fearing that he would not be returned to active service, he resigned his commission. Returning home, he became a strong Republican, and in 1866 was appointed attorney-general of Illinois. In 1876, at the Republican National Convention, he nominated James G. Blaine for the Presidency in a speech which contained the following memorable sentence: "Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched down the halls of the American Congress chorus of denunciation. In addition to and threw his shining lances full and fair this, the believers in the inspiration of against the brazen forehead of every de- the Scriptures, the occupants of orthofamer of his country and maligner of its dox pulpits, the professors in Christian honor." He was conspicuously active in colleges, and the religious historians, were the Presidential campaigns of 1876 and his sworn and implacable foes. 1880, and had it not been for his pro ROBERT GREEN INGERSOLL. nounced agnostic views he would have been honored with high official preferment. In 1882 he settled in New York City, and engaged in law practice till his death, July 21, 1899. He was a man of rare personal attractions; an orator of exceptional brilliancy. His generosity was unbounded. Among his lectures, which had gained him wide popularity, the most characteristic were: Some Mistakes of Moses; The Family; The Liberty of Man, Woman, and Child; The Gods; and Ghosts. His publications included: Lectures Complete; and Great Speeches. Thomas Paine.-The following is Colonel Ingersoll's noted review of the life and works of THOMAS PAINE (q. v.): This man had gratified no ambition at the expense of his fellow men; he had desolated no country with the flame and sword of war; he had not wrung millions from the poor and unfortunate; he had betrayed no trust, and yet he was almost universally despised. He gave his life for the benefit of mankind. Day and night, for many, many weary years, he labored for the good of others, and gave himself body and soul to the great cause of human liberty. And yet he won the hatred of the people for whose benefit, for whose emancipation, for whose civilization, for whose exaltation he gave his life. Against him every slander that malignity could coin and hypocrisy pass was gladly and joyously taken as genuine, and every truth with regard to his career was believed to be counterfeit. He was attacked by thousands where he was defended by one, and the one who defended him was instantly attacked, silenced, or destroyed. At last his life has been written by Moncure D. Conway, and the real history of Thomas Paine, of what he attempted and accomplished, of what he taught and suffered, has been intelligently, truthfully, and candidly given to the world. Henceforth the slanderer will be without excuse. He who reads Mr. Conway's pages will find that Thomas Paine was more than a patriot: that he was a philanthropista lover not only of his country, but of all mankind. He will find that his symEighty-three years ago Thomas Paine pathies were with those who suffered, ceased to defend himself. The moment without regard to religion or race, counhe became dumb all his enemies found a try or complexion. He will find that this tongue. He was attacked on every hand. great man did not hesitate to attack the The Tories of England had been waiting governing class of his native land, to for their revenge. The believers in kings, commit what was called treason against in hereditary government, the nobility of the King, that he might do battle for the every land, execrated his memory. Their rights of men; that, in spite of the prejugreatest enemy was dead. The believers dices of birth, he took the side of the in human slavery, and all who clamored American colonies; that he gladly atfor the rights of the States as against tacked the political abuses and absurdithe sovereignty of a nation, joined in the ties that had been fostered by altars and thrones for many centuries; that he was for the people against nobles and kings; and that he put his life in pawn for the good of others. In the winter of 1774 Thomas Paine came to America. After a time he was employed as one of the writers on The Pennsylvania Magazine. He was the first to suggest a union of the colonies. Before the Declaration of Independence was issued, Paine had written of and about the Free and Independent States of America. He had also spoken of the United States colonies as the "Glorious Union," and he was the first to write these words: "The United States of Let us see what he did, calculated to ex- America." cite the hatred of his fellow-men. The first article he ever wrote in America, and the first ever published by him any where, appeared in that magazine on March 8, 1775. It was an attack on American slavery a plea for the rights of the negro. In that article will be found substantially all the arguments that can be urged against that most infamous of all institutions. Every line is full of humanity, pity, tenderness, and love of justice. Five days after this article appeared the American Anti-Slavery Society was formed. Certainly this should not excite our hatred. To-day the civilized world agrees with the essay written by Thomas Paine in 1775. At that time great interests were against him. The owners of slaves became his enemies, and the pulpits, supported by slave labor, denounced this abolitionist. The next article published by Thomas Paine, in the same magazine, and for the next month, was an attack on the practice of duelling, showing that it was barbarous, that it did not even tend to settle the right or wrong of a dispute, that it could not be defended on any just grounds, and that its influence was degrading and cruel. The civilized world now agrees with the opinions of Thomas Paine upon that barbarous practice. In May, 1775, appeared in the same magazine another article written by Thomas Paine, a Protest Against Cruelty to Animals. He began the work that was so successfully and gloriously carried out by Henry Bergh, one of the noblest, one of the grandest, men that this continent has produced. In May, 1775, Washington said: "If you ever hear of me joining in any such measure (as separation from Great Britain) you have my leave to set me down for everything wicked." He had also said: "It is not the wish or interest of the government (meaning Massachusetts), or of any other upon this continent, separately or collectively, to set up for independence." And in the same year Benjamin Franklin assured Chatham that no one in America was in favor of separation. As a matter of fact, the people of the colonies wanted a redress of their grievances-they were not dreaming of separation, of independence. In 1775 Paine wrote the pamphlet known as Common Sense. This was published on Jan. 10, 1776. It was the first appeal for independence, the first cry for national life, for absolute separation. No pamphlet, no book, ever kindled such a sudden conflagration-a purifying flame, in which the prejudices and fears of millions were consumed. To read it now, after the lapse of more than 100 years, hastens the blood. It is but the meagre truth to say that Thomas Paine did more for the cause of separation, to sow the seeds of independence, than any other man of his time. Certainly we should not despise him for this. The Declaration of Independence followed, and in that declaration will be found not only the thoughts, but some of the expressions, of Thomas Paine. During the war, and in the very darkest hours, Paine wrote what is called The Crisis, a series of pamphlets giving from time to time his opinion of events, and his prophecies. These marvellous publica The good people of this world agree tions produced an effect nearly as great with Thomas Paine. In August of the same year he wrote a plea for the Rights of Woman, the first ever published in the New World. Certainly he should not be hated for that. as the pamphlet Common Sense. These strophes, written by the bivouac fires, had in them the soul of battle. In all he wrote. Paine was direct and natural. He touched the very heart of the subject. He was not awed by names Chancellor Livingston, secretary of for or titles, by place or power. He never lost his regard for truth, for principle never wavered in his allegiance to reason, to what he believed to be right. His arguments were so lucid, so unanswerable, his comparisons and analogies so apt, so unexpected, that they excited the passionate admiration of friends and the unquenchable hatred of enemies. So great were these appeals to patriotism, to the love of liberty, the pride of independence, the glory of success, that it was said by some of the best and greatest of that time that the American cause owed as much to the pen of Paine as to the sword of Washington. On Nov. 2, 1779, there was introduced into the Assembly of Pennsylvania an act for the abolition of slavery. The preamble was written by Thomas Paine. To him belongs the honor and glory of having written the first proclamation of emancipation in America-Paine the first, Lincoln the last. Paine, of all others, succeeded in getting aid for the struggling colonies from France. 66 According to Lamartine, the King, Louis XVI., loaded Paine with favors, and a gift of six millions was confided into the hands of Franklin and Paine. On Aug. 25, 1781, Paine reached Boston, bringing 2,500,000 livres in silver, and in convoy a ship laden with clothing and military stores." In November, 1779, Paine was elected clerk to the General Assembly of Pennsylvania. In 1780, the Assembly received a letter from General Washington in the field, saying that he feared the distresses in the army would lead to mutiny in the ranks. This letter was read by Paine to the Assembly. He immediately wrote to Blair McClenaghan, a Philadelphia merchant, explaining the urgency, and enclosing $500, the amount of salary due him as clerk, as his contribution towards a relief fund. The merchant called a meeting the next day, and read Paine's letter. A subscription list was immediately circulated, and in a short time about $1,500,000 was raised. With this capital the Pennsylvania Bank-afterwards the Bank of North America-was established for the relief of the army. eign affairs; Robert Morris, minister of finance, and his assistant, urging the necessity of adding a continental legislature to Congress, to be elected by the several States. Robert Morris invited the chancellor and a number of eminent men to meet Paine at dinner, where his plea for a stronger Union was discussed and approved. This was probably the earliest of a series of consultations preliminary to the constitutional convention. On April 19, 1783, it being the eighth anniversary of the battle of Lexington, Paine printed a little pamphlet entitled, Thoughts on Peace and the Probable Advantages Thereof. In this pamphlet he pleads for "a supreme nationality absorbing all cherished sovereignties." Mr. Conway calls this pamphlet Paine's Farewell Address, and gives the following extract: "It was the cause of America that made me an author. The force with which it struck my mind, and the dangerous condition which the country was in, by courting an impossible and an unnatural reconciliation her, instead of striking out into the only line that could save her a Declaration of Independence-made it impossible for me, feeling as I did, to be silent; and if, in the rendered her any service, I have likewise course of more than seven years, I have added something to the reputation of literature, by freely and disinterestedly employing But as the scenes of war are closed, and it in the great cause of mankind. with those who were determined to reduce every man preparing for home and happier Paine had made some enemies, first, by attacking African slavery, and, second, by insisting upon the sovereignty of the nation. During the Revolution our forefathers. in order to justify making war on Great Britain, were compelled to take the ground that all men are entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. IR no other way could they justify their action. After the war, the meaner instincts began to take possession of the mind, and In 1783 Paine wrote a memorial to those who had fought for their own lib erty were perfectly willing to enslave others. We must also remember that the Revolution was begun and carried on by a noble minority-that the majority were really in favor of Great Britain and did what they dared to prevent the success of the American cause. The minority, however, had control of affairs. They were active, energetic, enthusiastic, and courageous, and the majority were overawed, shamed, and suppressed. But when peace came, the majority asserted themselves and the interests of trade and commerce were consulted. Enthusiasm slowly died, and patriotism was mingled with the selfishness of traffic. But, after all, the enemies of Paine were few, the friends were many. He had the respect and admiration of the greatest and the best, and was enjoying the fruits of his labor. The Revolution was ended, the colonies were free. They had been united, they formed a nation, and the United States of America had a place on the map of the world. with love and reverence. Every Englishman who has sought to destroy abuses, to lessen or limit the prerogatives of the crown, to extend the suffrage, to do away with "rotten boroughs," to take taxes from knowledge, to increase and protect the freedom of speech and the press, to do away with bribes under the name of pensions, and to make England a government of principles rather than of persons, has been compelled to adopt the creed and use the arguments of Thomas Paine. In England every step towards freedom has been a triumph of Paine over Burke and Pitt. No man ever rendered a greater service to his native land. The book called the Rights of Man was the greatest contribution that literature had given to liberty. It rests on the bedrock. No attention is paid to precedents except to show that they are wrong. Paine was not misled by the proverbs that wolves had written for sheep. He had the intelligence to examine for himself, and the courage to publish his conclusions. As soon as the Rights of Man was published the government was alarmed. Every effort was made to suppress it. The author was indicted; those who published, and those who sold, were arrested and imprisoned. But the new gospel had been preached a great man had shed light-a new force had been born, and it was beyond the power of nobles and kings to undo what the author-hero had done. To avoid arrest and probable death, Paine left England. He had sown with brave hand the seeds of thought, and he knew that he had lighted a fire that nothing could extinguish until England should be free. Paine was not a politician. He had not labored for seven years to get an office. His services were no longer needed in America. He concluded to educate the English people, to inform them of their rights, to expose the pretences, follies and fallacies, the crimes and cruelties of nobles, kings, and parliaments. In the brain and heart of this man were the dream and hope of the universal republic. He had confidence in the people. He hated tyranny and war, despised the senseless pomp and vain show of crowned robbers, laughed at titles, and the "honorable" badges worn by the obsequious and servile, by fawners and followers; loved liberty with all his heart, and bravely fought The fame of Thomas Paine had reachagainst those who could give the rewards ed France in many ways-principally of place and gold, and for those who through Lafayette. His services in Amercould pay only with thanks. ica were well known. The pamphlet Common Sense had been published in French, and its effect had been immense. The Rights of Man that had created, and was then creating, such a stir in England was also known to the French. The lovers of liberty everywhere were the friends and admirers of Thomas Paine. In America, England, Scotland, Ireland, and France he was known as the defender of popular rights. He had preach Hoping to hasten the day of freedom, he wrote the Rights of Man-a book that laid the foundation for all the real liberty that the English now enjoy-a book that made known to Englishmen the Declaration of Nature, and convinced millions that all are children of the same mother, entitled to share equally in her gifts. Every Englishman who has outgrown the ideas of 1688 should remember Paine |