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CR. XVIII]

PEACE CONFERENCE FAILS.

probably have closed here, had not Gen. Grant, indirectly, through the secretary of war, urged the president to meet Messrs. Stephens, Campbell and Hunter. Acting on this suggestion, Mr. Lincoln followed Secretary Seward, who had gone to Fortress Monroe a day or two before. He reached Hampton Roads on the evening of the 2d of February, and the next day the interview took place on board of a steamer in the river. "On the morning of the 3d," as the president stated in a message to Congress, in reply to a resolution, "Messrs. Stephens, Hunter and Campbell came aboard our steamer, and had an interview with the secretary of state and myself, of several hours' duration. No question of preliminaries to the meeting was then and there made or mentioned. No other person was present. No papers were exchanged or produced, and it was in advance agreed that the conversation was to be informal and verbal merely. On my part, the whole substance of the instructions to the secretary of state, herein before recited, was stated and insisted

1865.

upon, and nothing was said inconsistent therewith; while, by the

* These instructions were thus worded:-"You will make known to them (Stephens, etc.) that three things

are indispensable,-1st, The restoration of the national

authority throughout all the states. 2d, No receding by the executive of the United States, on the slavery

question, from the position assumed thereon in the

late annual message to Congress, and in the preceding documents. 3d, No cessation of hostilities short of an

end of the war, and the disbanding of all the forces hostile to the government. You will inform them that

all propositions of theirs not inconsistent with the above will be considered and passed upon in a spirit of sincere liberality. You will hear all they may choose to say, and report it to me. You will not assume to definitely consummate anything."

VOL. IV.-65.

513

any

other party, it was not said that, in event or on any condition, they ever would consent to reunion; and yet they equally omitted to declare that they would never so consent. They seemed to desire a postponement of that question, and the adoption of some other course first, which, as some of them seemed to argue, might or might not lead to reunion, but which course, we thought, would amount to an indefinite postponement. The conference ended without result."

The persons above named, on their return to the rebel capital, made a report to Jeff. Davis, who sent it, with a message to his congress, on the 6th of February. As was to be expected, Davis felt very uncomfortable at the result, which placed Mr. Lincoln, in his view, in the light of a "conquerer," and required "unconditional submission" to the Constitution and laws of the United States, emancipation and the abolishment of slavery included. Several public meetings were held in Richmond, in order, as one of the newspapers phrased it, "to hurl back into Lincoln's teeth the insult put upon the southern people by his answers to the confederate commissioners." Speeches were made by Hunter, Benjamin, and others; fierce denunciations were indulged in; and tremendous efforts were made to rouse up the southern spirit sufficiently to carry on the contest now almost hopeless.

Another attempt at negotiation was made by Davis, at the end of February, arising out of a conversation between Gen. Ord and the rebel Gen. Long

street, at an interview on the subject

of the exchange of prisoners. Lee, by Davis's direction, communicated with Grant, who asked for orders from the president. The answer came directly, on the 3d of March, through the secretary of war:-"The president directs me to say to you, that he wishes you to have no conference with Gen. Lee, unless it be for the capitulation of Gen. Lee's army, or on mere minor and purely military matters. He instructs me to say that you are not to decide, discuss, or confer upon any political question. Such questions the president holds in his own hands, and will submit them to no military conferences or conventions. Meantime, you are to press to the utmost your military advantages." This, of course, put a stop to anything further, and Grant informed Lee accordingly.

Early in February, Lee, who had been made general-in-chief of the rebel forces, issued an order stating the fact, in which he said, "I rely for success upon the courage and fortitude of the army, sustained by the patriotism and firmness of the people, confident that their united efforts, under the blessing of Heaven, will secure peace and independence." Lee followed this by calling, in most urgent terms, upon desert ers, absentees, and the like, who, he was sure, would "require no exhortation to respond to the calls of honor and duty." He offered free pardon to all such who would come before twenty days elapsed, and threatened punishment in case of refusal. But the appeal was in vain. Deserters and absentees had had enough of fighting in this war. The "Confederacy" was in the last stages

of dissolution, and, bravely and defiantly as the rebels talked, they could not shut their eyes to the fact.

Another measure, which plainly fore shadowed the approaching ruin of the rebellion, was that which, after much bitter discussion in the newspapers, and by the rebel leaders and congress, was finally determined upon in the month of March; we refer to the arming of the negroes and employing them as soldiers. Gen. Lee, who was of opinion that the negroes would make good soldiers, and who was painfully aware of the vast importance of securing an increase to his army, said distinctly, “I think this measure not only expedient but necessary." And so others thought and said; but it was a bitter draft to swallow by those haughty men who were trying to build up an edifice, the very corner stone of which was, the blessings of slavery and the absolute, God-ordained inferiority of the negro race. It was like a self-stultification to adopt the course now resolved upon; and this, more than one among them clearly saw. "Whenever," said Gov. Brown of Georgia, "we establish the fact that the negroes are a military people, we destroy our theory that they are unfit to be free. When we arm the slaves we abandon slavery." So, too, Mr. Hunter of Virginia, in the rebel senate, pointed out the inevitable conclusions to which the present measure led. "If we offer slaves their freedom as a boon, we confess that we were insincere, were hypocritical, in asserting that slavery was the best state for the negroes themselves. Arming and emancipating the slaves was an

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CH. XVIII.]

CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT.

515

abandonment of this contest--an aban- only indicate a few of the more importdonment of the grounds upon which ant acts, and must refer the reader,

it had been undertaken. If this is so, who is to answer for the hundreds of thousands of men who had been slain in the war? Who was to answer for them before the bar of heaven ?"

The measure was decided upon by the action of Virginia; and the reply to all contradiction and inconsistency was, the stern necessity of the case. Unpalatable as was the fact, it was nevertheless the last resource. White men could not be had; the blacks must be tried; and so the blacks were called upon to volunteer; the slaves were invited to fight for the people who had doomed them to everlasting bondage! The slaves, however, manifested any thing but alacrity to engage in the contest; and the rebel leaders had to endure not only this mortifying result, but also the conviction that the day had passed when their humiliation on this point could be of any avail towards filling up the ranks of Lee's depleted army."

As we have stated (p. 507), the Thirty-eighth Congress began its second session in December, 1864. This was the short session of only about three months in extent, and the time was spent in the usual course of legislative proceedings. It is not ne cessary to go into details here; we can

* The rebel congress, just before its breaking up in

March, issued a long, supplicating appeal, in which they sought to infuse fresh courage into the hearts of those who sympathised with them, and in which also, while using language of the most confident character, they plainly betrayed to the observant reader, that their words were words merely and nothing else. For this document, see Appleton's "American Annual Cyclopædia" for 1865, pp. 195-198.

who desires full information, to the works containing the official reports and documents. Nothing of moment occurred during the month of December.* In January, 1865, a resolution was passed, requesting the president to give notice of the termination of the Reciprocity treaty with Canada. Other topics occupied the attention of both Houses during the balance of the session; such as military arrests, habeas corpus, confiscation, reconstruction, etc. The Freedman's Bureau was established, after considerable debate and conference, just at the close of the session. The tariff bill was modified, a bill for a loan of $600,000,000 was passed, and various other bills of less consequence, received due attention.

By far, however, the most important action of Congress, during the session, was the passage, on the 31st of January, of the resolution for the 1865. Constitutional amendment abolishing slavery. This resolution had passed the Senate, early in the previous session, February 10th, 1864; but coming up in the House in June, had failed to receive the requisite two-thirds vote (p. 465). A motion for reconsideration was made, and laid upon the table. It was again brought before the House early in the present session, and was debated with much earnestness and at great length. It was finally adopted by a vote of 119 to 56, and

* On the 19th of December, 1864, Mr. Lincoln issued a proclamation, calling for 200,000 men. This was to provide for deficiencies in the former call in July, and also for possible needs in the spring campaign.

was expressed in the following terms: "Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both houses concurring, That the following article be proposed to the legislatures of the several states as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as a part of the said Constitution, namely:

ARTICLE XIII.

Sec. 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation."**

This important matter was now transferred to the people, who, acting through the legislatures of the several states were to confirm or reject the amendment to the Constitution. The votes of twenty-seven states were needed to complete the required three-fourths of the whole, in order to make the amendment a part of the law of the land. We may mention here, that Illinois took the lead, on the 1st of February, in ratifying the amendment, and was followed by Maryland, the same day, and by other states as their

* The House was crowded with expectant observers, and when the speaker announced the vote, it was received with enthusiasm, and despite of all parliamentary rules, clapping of hands, cheering, waving of hats and handkerchiefs prevailed for some time. On mo tion the House at once adjourned.

legislatures met. Before the 4th of March, the close of Mr. Lincoln's first term of office, eighteen states had given their approval of the amendment. Three states, Delaware, Kentucky, and New Jersey rejected it.*

About the middle of February, Mr. Fessenden, secretary of the treasury, made the following statement in regard to the national debt: Aggregate debt, bearing interest in coin, $1,087,556,438 80; interest, $63,433,131 45. Debt bearing interest in lawful money, $608,570,952 44; interest, $29,698,770 41. Debt on which interest has ceased, $350,570 09. Legal tender debt, bearing no interest, $433,160,569. Fractional currency, $24,960,913 93. Total, $2,153,735,444 26. Total interest, $93,131,901 86. Early in the follow ing month, Mr. Fessenden having resigned, the Hon. Hugh McCulloch, of Indiana, was appointed secretary of the treasury.

We may fitly put on record, in closing the present chapter, the assumption, by Andrew Johnson, of his posi

* On the 18th of December, 1865, Mr. Seward officially announced from the state department that the

amendment to the Constitution had been adopted. From this document it appears, that the states of Illi West Virginia, Ohio, Missouri, Nevada, Indiana, Lounois, Rhode Island, Michigan, Maryland, New York, isiana, Minnesota, Winconsin, Vermont, Tennessee, Arkansas, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Maine, Kansas, lina, Alabama, North Carolina, and Georgia, by their legislatures ratified the proposed amendment. The

Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, South Caro

whole number of states being thirty-six, of which twenty-seven, as just named, being three-fourths, had ratified the amendment, Mr. Seward, in accordance with the duties of his office, "certified that the amendment aforesaid has become valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of the Constitution of the United States." For Mr. Sumner's resolution, in the Senate, on this subject, see Appleton's " American Annual Cyclopædia" for 1866, p. 125.

CH. XVIII.]

1865.

MR. LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURAL.

517

tion as vice-president of the United hang above his head, and the sunlight States, and also the inaugural ceremo- broke through the clouds and fell upon nies connected with Mr. Lincoln's him with a glory, afterwards felt to entrance upon the expected four years have been an emblem of the martyr's of additional service to his country as crown, which was soon to rest upon his president of the United States. On head." The oath of office was adthe 4th of March, the Senate being ministered by Chief-justice Chase, in then in extra session, Mr. John- the presence of the cabinet officers, son indulged himself in a speech heads of bureaus, members of Con before taking the oath. Of this gress, officers of the army and navy, speech, in which he spoke several times and the diplomatic corps. The presi of his "plebeian" origin and position, dent then delivered his inaugural adand of other things quite as imperti- dress from the balcony, the usual place nent to the occasion, the best we can for such a purpose. As this was among say is, that it was in bad taste, and the last documents proceeding from Mr. might much better have been dispensed Lincoln's pen, and as it is rather rewith. "I, a plebian, elected by the markable for its tone and spirit, we give people vice-president of these United the address in full. States, am here to enter upon the discharge of my duties. . . . . I, though a plebeian boy, am authorized by the principles of the government under which I live, to feel proudly conscious that I am a man," etc. Mr. Johnson thereupon took the oath of office and the Senate adjourned.

The scene presented at the second inaguration of Abraham Lincoln was noted as a very striking one. "The morning had been inclement," says Mr. Raymond, "storming so violently that up to a few minutes before twelve o'clock it was supposed that the inaugural address would have to be delivered in the Senate chamber. But the people had gathered in immense numbers before the capitol in spite of the storm, and just before noon the rain ceased and the clouds broke away, and, as the president took the oath of office, the blue sky appeared above, a small white cloud, like a hovering bird, seemed to

"FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN-At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then, a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course to be pur. sued, seemed very fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase in the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.

"On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending

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