« PreviousContinue »
of the great successes on the Mississippi, at Vicksburg and Port Hudson. There was great rejoicing throughout the loyal states, and there seemed now good ground to hope that the mad struggle of the rebellion was approach
ing its end. President Lincoln, as was every way proper and becoming, issued a proclamation, July 15th, appointing Thursday, August 6th, as a day of na tional thanksgiving, which day was duly and devoutly observed.*
* Prof. Jacobs, in his interesting "Notes on the Rebel the most humiliating terms of peace. The sway of Invasion," published soon after Lee's retreat, compares Napoleon over subject Europe would not have been the battle of Gettysburg with that of Waterloo more tyrannical and destructive of the vital interests in its far-reaching consequences. His remarks are of the people, than would have been the establishment, of sufficient value to be worth quoting in this by a decisive victory of Lee, of an overbearing slave connection:-" The battle of Waterloo resulted in power as a controlling influence in our country. The effectually crushing the power of Napoleon and the fall of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, which followed grinding despotism that he was exercising over Eu- immediately after the battle of Gettysburg, though of rope. It broke to pieces that army in whose track fol- the highest importance to the country, is, nevertheless, lowed desolation and famine, and whose final triumph not equal in its influence to the breaking of the power must have resulted in the destruction of all the then of an army which was striking a blow at the heart of existing governments of the civilized world. The the nation. In the defeat, therefore, of Lee, the corner battle of Gettysburg resulted, first, in checking the stone of that fabric which the rebellion sought to erect progress and then in destroying the power of a well- on human bondage and the distinction of the races of disciplined and defiant army, which had come to the men, which God has made of one blood, is crushed to North for the express purpose of robbery and of spread-pieces, and the bright days of a happy future loom up ng terror and desolation in its track, and by the cap*ure of Baltimore and Washington, of dictating to us
before our vision, when we shall once more be a united and prosperous people."
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
BURNSIDE AND DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO: MORGAN'S DARING RAID: EAST TENNESSEE.
General state of affairs- Relative position and tone of the rebels and the people of the loyal states. to peace, etc. - Burnside in command of the department of the Ohio-State of the department - Burnside's fitness for the post-General Order, No. 38 — Case of C. L. Vallandingham - His arrest, trial, sentence, etc. - Newspapers brought under the order - Burnside's force-Inadequate to the wants of the department - Rebel notions and policy as to invasion of the free states - Morgan's famous raid into Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio - Details of his wanton destruction of property, and of the steps taken to cut him off-Exciting race- - Morgan caught at last-Escapes afterwards from prison - Burnside's preparations for advance into East Tennessee-Leaves Lexington, August 16th-By unfrequented roads crosses the Cumberland Mountains-Entrance into Knoxville, Tennessee-Joy and enthusiasm of the inhabitants at release from rebel despotism and cruelty - Public property seized by Burnside-De Courcy sent against Cumberland Gap - Other force sent - Burnside demands the surrender — The Gap given up to him— The loss severely felt by the rebels-Davis's complaints - Burnside's further movements to September 14th, 1863.
THE tremendous blows inflicted upon | pect of a speedy dying out of the rebel the rebels at Gettysburg, Vicksburg, power and capability of continuing the and Port Hudson, of which we have war, and of the consequent return of given an account in preceding chapters, peace, with its manifold blessings and "changed all the aspects of the war privileges. It was deemed hardly cred(according to a zealous secession writer) ible that the leaders of the rebellion and brought the South from an une- could either persuade or compel those qualled exaltation of hope to the very over whom they exercised dominion, brink of despair." In similar wise, the to go on with the struggle; and if any government and people of the loyal one had predicted that they would be states indulged in the pleasing pros- able for two years to withstand the
VOL. IV. 43.
force brought to bear against them, and to sustain the trials of want and well nigh famine, and the gradual 1863. but sure approach of final and complete defeat, he would have been considered a very lugubrious prophet. Nevertheless, the stern logic of facts showed clearly that, as the arch traitors at Richmond had resolved to venture all upon the cast of a die, that as with them success was everything, even though they brought ruin and misery upon all around them, so these disasters to the secession cause were not allowed, if they could hinder it, to produce any permanent discontent. There was no lowering of the haughty tone assumed by the rebels. They claimed great elasticity and power of rising superior to misfortune. They swallowed their mortification, and talked as if the cutting the "Confederacy" in twain, and the ignominious results of invasion of the North, were rather to be rejoiced over than otherwise. Davis had the assurance, a few days after the defeat of Lee, to declare that a victorious peace, with proper exertions, was yet immediately within his grasp. It is true, that popular confidence in Davis and his co-workers in the management of affairs, was very considerably diminished; but this did not prevent the rebellion from going on. The leaders were determined it should go on to the death, and numbers of others, however little they thought of Davis and the Richmond officials, had got their pride aroused to its highest pitch, so that they, too, resolved to fight to the end for the cause in which they had imperilled their all.
Both the rebel leaders and the gov ernment and people of the loyal states seemed at this time to have some uncertain, shadowy idea that the war was nearly finished; both gave credence to the notion that one or the other would soon be wearied or worn out; but both lay under a mistake. The rebels were in no humor to give it up as yet; they meant to hold out, even though affairs might speedily become desperate, and certain defeat was ultimately before them. On the other hand, while few perhaps believed that the rebel capability of resistance was so great as it proved to be, it was simply impossible for loyal men ever to submit to the rending of the country in pieces, as se cession proposed. The supporters of the Union, having never wavered from their determination to put down the rebellion and preserve the integrity of the Republic, could not be wearied into a yielding to the demands of traitors, even if it should take ten years or twice ten years to bring the war to an end. As time rolled on this mistake was cor rected; the rebels saw the folly of im agining that the North would ever lay aside its settled purpose; and the loyal people only wondered, but were never discouraged, at the persistency of the rebels in their wicked designs.
Henceforth, too, it began to be bet ter understood than at an earlier date that, so long as the leaders in this unnatural struggle could maintain organized military forces, just so long the rebellion would be able to continue its existence, and necessitate military and naval operations on our part. Of course, more money and more men were need