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CHAPTER IX.

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THE VICTORY OF MANASSAS, A MISFORTUNE FOR THE CONFEDERATES.-RELAXATION IN RICH
MOND.-PLOTTING AMONg confedeRATE LEADERS FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION.—
BEAUREGARD'S POLITICAL LETTER.-ACTIVE AND ELASTIC SPIRIT OF THE NORTH.-RESO-
LUTION OF THE FEDERAL CONGRESS.-ENERGY OF THE WASHINGTON ADMINISTRATION.-
ITS IMMENSE PREPARATIONS FOR THE PROSECUTION OF THE WAR. THE MISSOURI CAM-
PAIGN. THE POLITICS OF MISSOURI-STERLING PRICE AND HIS PARTY.-IMPRUDENCE
AND VIOLENCE OF THE FEDERAL AUTHORITIES IN MISSOURI.-CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN
GENS. PRICE AND HARNEY.-GOV. JACKSON'S PROCLAMATION.-MILITARY CONDITION OF
MISSOURI. HER HEROIC CHOICE.-AFFAIR AT BOONEVILLE.-COMPOSITION OF THE PATRIOT
ARMY OF MISSOURI.-ENGAGEMENT AT CARTHAGE.-CONFEDERATE REINFORCEMENTS
UNDER MCCULLOCH.-DISAGREEMENT BETWEEN PRICE AND MCCULLOCH.-NOBLE CONDUCT
OF PRICE. THE BATTLE OF OAK HILL.-MCCULLOCH SURPRISED.-A FIERCE FIGHT.-
DEATH OF GEN. LYON. THE FEDERALS DEFEATED.-WITHDRAWAL OF MCCULLOCH'S
FORCES INTO ARKANSAS.-OPERATIONS IN NORTHERN MISSOURI.-FREMONT IN COMMAND
of the FEDERAL FORCES IN MISSOURI.—HIS PROCLAMATION EMANCIPATING THE SLAVES.
-ITS NOVELTY AND BRUTALITY.-REPUDIATED AT WASHINGTON. THE SIEGE OF LEXING-
TON. ITS SURRENDER TO PRICE.-GALLANTRY OF COL. MULLIGAN.-CRITICAL POSITION
OF PRICE.-HIS DISAPPOINTMENT OF CONFEDERATE SUCCOUR.-HIS ADROIT RETREAT.-
MISSOURI'S ORDINANCE OF SECESSION.-FREMONT SUPERSEDED.-THREE MILITARY MES-
SENGERS IN PURSUIT OF HIM.-EXCITEMENT IN HIS CAMP.-PRICE AT SPRINGFIELD.-CLOSE
OF THE FIRST CAMPAIGN IN MISSOURI.—THE CAMPAIGN, A CHAPTER OF WONDERS.―MIS-
SOURI MANHOOD.-THE WESTERN VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN.-RESOURCES AND WEALTH OF THE
WESTERN SECTION OF VIRGINIA.-WISE'S COMMAND. THE ENEMY IN THE KANAWHA
VALLEY.-WISE'S RETREAT TO LEWISBURG. THE FLOYD BRIGADE.-ADVANCE OF THE
JOINT FORCES TOWARDS THE GAULEY.-THE AFFAIR AT CROSS LANES.-MOVEMENT OF
ROSECRANS.-AFFAIR OF CARNIFAX FERRY.-FLOYD AND WISE FALL BACK TOWARDS SEWELL
MOUNTAIN.-AN UNFORTUNATE QUARREL OF COMMANDERS.-OPERATIONS OF GEN. LEE IN
NORTHWESTERN VIRGINIA. HIS FAILURE AT CHEAT MOUNTAIN.-COL. RUST'S PART IN
THE AFFAIR.-MOVEMENT OF LEE TO THE LINE OF LEWISBURG.-HOW ROSECRANS ESCAPED
FROM HIM.-ENGAGEMENT ON THE GREENBRIER RIVER.—GEN. H. R. JACKSON'S SUCCESS.-
FAILURE OF THE WESTERN VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN.-GEN. LEE'S NEW COMMAND.

THE victory of Manassas proved the greatest misfortune that could have befallen the Confederacy. It was taken by the Southern public as the end of the war, or, at least, as its decisive event. Nor was this merely a

MISCONCEPTIONS OF THE SOUTH.

153

vulgar delusion. President Davis, after the battle, assured his intimate friends that the recognition of the Confederate States by the European Powers was now certain. The newspapers declared that the question of manhood between North and South was settled forever; and the phrase of "one Southerner equal to five Yankees " was adopted in all speeches about the war-although the origin or rule of the precise proportion was never clearly stated. An elaborate article in "De Bow's Review" compared Manassas with the decisive battles of the world, and considered that the war would now degenerate into mere desultory affairs, preliminary to a peace. On the whole, the unfortunate victory of Manassas was followed by a period of fancied security, and of relaxed exertions on the part of the Southern people highly dangerous and inauspicious. The best proof of this inactivity is to be found in the decrease of enlistments by volunteers.

There are to be found in the politics and literature of the Confederacy at this time, some very singular indications of the exaggerated and foolish confidence which took place upon the event of Manassas. So certain, after this event, was supposed to be the term of Confederate existence, that politicians actually commenced plotting for the Presidential succession, more than six years distant. Mr. Hunter of Virginia about this time left Mr. Davis' Cabinet, because it was said that he foresaw the errours and unpopularity of this Administration, and was unwilling by any identification with it to damage his chances as Mr. Davis' successor in the Presidential office. Gen. Beauregard was already designated in some quarters as the next Confederate President; and the popular nominee of an honour six years hence, wrote a weak and theatrical letter to the newspapers, dated "Within Hearing of the Enemy's Guns," and declaring: "I am not either a candidate, nor do I desire to be a candidate, for any civil office in the gift of the people or Executive." There was actually a controversy between different States as to the location of the capital of a Government, the existence of which they could not understand was yet imperilled by war. The controversy went so far that the city council of Nashville, Tennessee, appropriated $750,000 for a residence for the President of the Southern Confederacy, as an inducement to remove the capital there.

It is remarkable that the statesmen of Richmond did not observe the singular temper of the authorities at Washington, on the news of their defeat at Manassas. On the very day that Washington was crowded with fugitives from the routed army, the Federal Congress legislated calmly and patiently throughout; and the House of Representatives, passed unani mously the following resolution:

"Resolved, That the maintenance of the Constitution, the preservation of the Union, and the enforcement of the laws, are sacred trusts which must be executed; that no disaster shall discourage us from the most ample performance of this high duty; and that

we pledge to the country and the world the employment of every resource, national and individual, for the suppression, overthrow, and punishment of rebels in arms."

While the South reposed on the laurels of Manassas, the active and elastic spirit of the North was at work to repair its fortunes. It accomplished wonders. It multiplied its armies; it built navies with infuriate energy; it recovered itself from financial straits which distant observers thought hopeless; a few weeks after the battle of Manassas it negotiated a loan of one hundred and fifty millions of dollars, at a fraction above the legal interest of New York; in short, its universal mind and energy were consolidated in its war upon the South. There is no more remarkable phenomenon in the whole history of the war than the display of fullyawakened Northern energy in it, alike wonderful in the ingenuity of its expedients and in the concentrated force of its action. At every stage of the war the North adopted the best means for securing specific results. It used the popularity of Fremont to bring an army into the field. It combined with the science of McClellan, Buell, and Halleck, such elements of popularity as could be found in the names of Banks, Butler, and Baker. It patronized the great ship-brokers and ship-owners of New York to create a navy. The world was to be astonished soon to find the North more united than ever in the prosecution of the contest, and the proportions of the war so swollen as to cover with its armies and its navies the frontiers of half a continent.

While these immense preparations were in progress in the North, and while the South indulged its dreams of confidence, there was a natural pause of large and active operations in the field. The months of summer and early fall following the battle of Manassas are barren of any great events in the history of the war. But within this period there occurred two campaigns, remarkable for other circumstances than decisive influence, taking place on widely separated theatres, and yet much alike in their features of discursive contest. These were the campaigns in the distant State of Missouri and in the mountainous regions of Western Virginia.

THE MISSOURI CAMPAIGN.

The politics of Missouri had always been strongly Southern. As carly as 1848-'9, when the North was evidently intent upon excluding the South from the territory obtained in the Mexican war-acquired principally by the blood of Southern soldiers-the Legislature of Missouri passed resolutions affirming the rights of the States, as interpreted by Callioun, and pledging Missouri to "co-operate with her sister States in any measure they might adopt" against Northern encroachments. On opposition to

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these resolutions, Mr. Benton was defeated for the United States Senate; and they remained on the statute-book of Missouri unrepealed to the date of the war.

In the last Presidential campaign, Missouri, under one of those appa rent contradictions or delusions not uncommon in American politics, gave her vote for Douglas. This result was obtained chiefly through the influ ence of Sterling Price, who had formerly been Governour of the State, had previously represented her in Congress, and was a man of commanding influence with his party.

Price and his party were strongly attached to the Union, and hoped that it might be perpetuated with safety and honour to the South. Of the Convention called in January, 1861, not a single member was yet ready to avow the policy of secession; and Price himself, who had been returned as a Union man without opposition, was elected its president.

But the Federal authorities in Missouri did not show that prudence which the occasion called for; they did nothing to conciliate the disposition of the Convention; and as events marched onward, the designs of the Washington Government were too plainly unmasked, to leave any doubt with the people of Missouri of the fate prepared for them.

In the city of St. Louis there had been several collisions between the citizens and Federal soldiery; and those anxious to keep the peace of the State had reason to fear that these riots would be the inaugurating scenes of revolution. On the 10th of May, 1861, Capt. (afterwards General) Lyon of the Federal army, had compelled the unconditional surrender of a brigade of Missouri militia, encamped under the State law. This highhanded proceeding was attended by other outrages. All the arms and ammunition in St. Louis were seized; houses were searched; and a line of military posts extended around the city, gave evidence of a reign of terrour.

About this time, Sterling Price, having been commissioned by Gov. Jackson of Missouri as major-general, proceeded to consult with Gen. Harney, of the Federal forces, as to the best mode of "restoring peace and good order to the people of the State, in subordination to the laws of the General and State Governments." In view of the riotous demonstrations at St. Louis, Price, having "full authority over the militia of the State," undertook, with the sanction of the Governour, to maintain order; and Gen. Harney declared that he had no intention of using the military at his command, to cause disturbance. Both recommended the citizens to keep quiet, and attend to their ordinary occupations.

But soon after this, Gen. Harney was removed by orders from Washington. Gen. Price continued to busy himself with the duties of his command, and on the 4th of June, issued an address, in which he declared that the people of Missouri should exercise the right to choose their own posi

tion in any contest which might be forced upon them, unaided by any military force whatever. He referred to a report of the intention of the Federal authorities to disarm those of the citizens of Missouri who did not agree in opinion with the Administration at Washington, and put arms in the hands of those who in some localities of the State were supposed to sympathize with the views of the Federal Government; and he added: "The purpose of such a movement could not be misunderstood, and it would not only be a palpable violation of the agreement referred to, and an equally plain violation of our constitutional rights, but a gross indignity to the citizens of this State, which would be resisted to the last extremity." In the conclusion of his address he wrote: "The people of Missouri cannot be forced, under the terrours of a military invasion, into a position not of their own free choice. A million of such people as the citizens of Missouri were never yet subjugated, and if attempted, let no apprehension be entertained of the result."

On the 13th of June, 1861, Gov. Jackson issued his proclamation calling for fifty thousand volunteers. Price appointed nine brigadier-generals. These preparations were large on paper; but the brigadiers had no actual force at their command; and even, if men were not lacking, arms and ammunition were; and as for military training and discipline, there had been for years no military organization, and not even a militia muster in Missouri. It was thus poorly prepared for the contest that the State of Missouri, separated from her confederates and alone, showed a heroism almost unexampled in history in spurning the plea of "helplessness," and confronting the entire power of the North, at a time indeed when Northern newspapers were declaring that she was but as a mouse under the lion's paw.

The first development of the campaign on the part of Gen. Price was to issue orders to the several brigadiers just appointed, to organize their forces as rapidly as possible, and push them forward to Booneville and Lexington. His ulterior design was, having collected at Lexington volunteers from the whole region accessible to it, to march down to the extreme southwest part of the State where subsistence was abundant; where opportunity might be had to organize his army; and where he expected to be joined by Confederate forces from Arkansas under the command of Brig.-Gen. McCulloch.

No serious thought was entertained of giving battle at Booneville. About eighteen hundred Missourians were assembled in camp near there; and not more than one-third of them were armed. They had not a piece of artillery; and their small arms were generally of a very imperfect kind, including single-barrelled shot-guns and rifles. On the 20th of June, Gen. Lyon, with a well-appointed Federal force about three thousand strong, debarked near Booneville. The six hundred armed Missourians,

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