that the presiding officer of the Democratic National Convention was formerly a Republican, James R. Doolittle, Senator from Wisconsin, who had broken away from his party when the erratic adventures of President Johnson caused a division in the party ranks.

Certain dissatisfied Democrats, who insisted that none but an uncompromising Democrat should be the leader of their party, met in Louisville, Kentucky, September 28th, and nominated Mr. Charles O'Conor, a famous lawyer, of New York, for President, and John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for Vice-president. Like that of the dissatisfied Liberal Republicans, this ticket was lost sight of in the subsequent proceedings of the presidential campaign. There were three other nominating conventions that year. The soldiers and sailors of the late civil war met in Pittsburgh, September 17th, and ratified the nominations of Grant and Wilson; the colored citizens of New England did the same in Boston, September 6th; and the National Women's Suffrage Association, in New York, denounced Greeley for his habitual attitude of ridicule and derision of the movement to give women the right to vote.

RON APPAQUER

THESE STATES

"Clasped Hands" Badge and Greeley Campaign Medals.

The canvass that ensued was unique in the history of American politics. It was a purely personal campaign, so far as the opponents of the Liberal Republican movement were concerned. The friends of Greeley dwelt upon the persistence with which war issues had been kept alive in the country, both North and South; they derided the "waving of the bloody shirt" by those who made much of the alleged outrages committed by the Kuklux Klan and similar organized foes of the colored race; they bitterly complained of the nepotism practised by the Administration, and told strange stories of the adventurers and corrupt schemers who infested the executive offices in Washington.

On the other hand, while the Grant Republicans pointed to the beneficent changes which a cessation of war had made possi

The famous

canvass.

ble, and extolled the statesmanship that had reduced the burdens of taxation and decreased the public debt, they chiefly directed their energies to ridiculing the Liberal Republican candi- Greeley dates and the real status of the motley party that supported them. Greeley, a protectionist and a famous Free Soil fighter, was the standard-bearer of hide-bound Democrats of the old school, lately reconstructed rebels, and others who were not reconstructed. As the canvass waxed hotter and hotter, it became purely personal, and satire, caricature, and lampoon were invoked, to the utter disregard of any political issues at stake. Greeley and his supporters were held up to popular ridicule in a series of laughter-provoking cartoons by a famous caricaturist, and one of the leading Republican newspapers employed an expert facetious writer to follow around the Liberal Republican candidate for the presidency and indite diverting descriptions of his sayings and doings. The name of the Liberal Republican candidate for Vice-president was scarcely mentioned, but a tag bearing the inscription "B. Gratz Brown was depicted attached to Greeley's coat-skirts. The Liberals retorted with feeble attempts at similar coarseness, picturing Grant as a military despot; but the anomalousness of their situation and the eccentricities of their nominee clearly placed them at a disadvantage in this curious contest.

Greeley took the field to speak for himself, and in a tour of several of the New England and Middle States he delivered a series of speeches which were remarkable for their freshness, vigor, and felicity of diction. These numerous addresses, apparently extemporaneous, were notable for the diversity of subjects chosen and the varying manner of their treatment. Even his enemies conceded that Greeley's talents were great and versatile. Wearied by these unaccustomed exertions, which told severely on his physical powers (he

was now past sixty years of age), Greeley returned to his home in Chappaqua, New York, to attend at the deathbed of his beloved wife. Before he could rally from this blow, the election came on and he was defeated by a tremendous majority. He carried only six States, Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, South Carolina, Tennessee, all in the South. Grant's total vote was 3,597,070; Greeley's was 2,834,079. Crushed by grief and disappointHorace ment, Greeley's mind gave way, and he relapsed into a pitiable condition from which he never emerged; he breathed his last on the 29th day of November, just as the disorder and confusion of the campaign were being followed by the triumphal processions of the victors.

Death of

Greeley.

Whatever may have been the weaknesses and foibles of Horace Greeley, he was sincerely beloved and respected by the people for his purity of character, impeccable honesty, and sincere sympathy with the weak and distressed. His proudest boast might have been that he was indeed one of the Tribunes of the People. His pen was ever ready in the defence of those who had no helper, and his open generosity made and kept him comparatively poor where other men would have amassed wealth. His tragical death, which was caused by the monumental blunder of his life, deeply touched the hearts of his fellow countrymen. It was lamented that the trenchant pen was laid down forever, and that the heart of the noble philanthropist had ceased to throb. Derision and triumph were alike forgotten by his late opponents; and at his funeral, which was attended by many of the foremost citizens of the Republic, General Grant appeared, a sincere mourner.

During the political campaign of 1872, great excitement followed the exposure of the so-called Credit Mobilier speculations. In the construction of the Union Pacific Railroad, it was found expedient to organize a corporation of contractors to do the work. Large profits were expected from the operations of the company, which was named "The Credit Mobilier of America." During the years 1867 and 1868, the chief promoter of this enterprise, Mr. Oakes Ames, a rich manufacturer and a Representative in Congress from Massachusetts, sold many shares of the stock to members of Congress. As the fortunes of the company might be affected by the action of Congress (although this was denied), the holding of stock by men whose votes might determine this action was naturally regarded as improper, to say the least. The fact that Ames did not demand cash payments for the stock so disposed of, but allowed the payments to be deferred until the earnings of the company should bring generous dividends to the shareholders, was cited as evidence that this was practically a gift

The Credit

exposures.

had placed it" where it would do the most good." The House Committee, after a long and patient examination, exculpated all the men who had been involved in the charges of corrup- Mobilier tion, but recommended that the stigma of "absolute condemnation" be fixed upon James Brooks, of New York, a member of the House and a Government Director of the Union Pacific Railroad, and upon Oakes Ames; the former was thus censured for "the use of his position to procure the assignment of Credit Mobilier stock;" and Ames's offence was declared to be that of "seeking to procure Congressional attention to the affairs" of his corporation.

The investigation blighted many reputations of men who had before that time stood high in public esteem. While the inquiry was in progress, popular interest was kept on the alert to see which of the prominent men in Congress would next fall before the deadly influence of the famous "little memorandum book" from which Mr. Ames refreshed his memory while under examination. The very name of his corporation became a byword and a hissing; and it sufficed to ruin any public man's fair fame to say truly of him that he was "a Credit Mobilier statesman." On the other hand, the divulging of facts which showed the enormous profits of this peculiar enterprise greatly whetted the popular appetite for speculation and to a considerable extent demoralized the people. Oakes Ames's defence was able and manly. But he betrayed a lack of delicacy in regard to the proprieties of public life which, while it was not inconsistent with absolute honesty of purpose, went far to justify much that was alleged of him. He suffered deeply under the storm of obloquy with which he was unfairly whelmed; he died in May, 1873, while the echoes of the scandal had hardly yet subsided.

CHAPTER XXIII.

MORE CABINET CHANGES.-PUBLIC SCANDALS MULTIPLIED. - - FRAUDS OF THE WHISKEY RING. DOWNFALL OF SECRETARY BELKNAP. RENEWED BLOODY INDIAN TROUBLES. DEATH OF CUSTER AND MURDER OF CANBY.-THIRD PRESIDENTIAL TERM DISCUSSED. - POLITICAL DISORDERS IN THE SOUTH. A REVOLUTION IN LOUISIANA. - THE NOMINATION OF HAYES AND WHEELER, TILDEN AND HENDRICKS. - A CONTESTED ELECTION. - THE CIPHER DISPATCHES. AN ELECTORAL COMMISSION TO DECIDE THE CONTEST.. HAYES DECLARED ELECTED. THE CENTENNIAL EXPOSITION OF 1876.

THE second term of President Grant, it must be admitted, justified to some extent the evil prophecies of those who believed that the general's easy good-nature and his unacquaintance with civil affairs would open the gates to doubtful schemes and schemers. As time wore on, many of the rumors of alleged hidden scandals and official corruption were dispelled, but serious and unhappy disclosures did subsequently shock the people. Changes in the cabinet of President Grant also served to unsettle popular confidence in the Administration and occasion much uneasiness as to the causes which underlay these goings and comings of the President's advisers. Postmaster-general Creswell resigned in June, 1874, and was succeeded by Marshall Jew. ell, of Connecticut. Mr. Jewell resigned his place in July, 1876, and James N. Tyner, of Indiana, took his place. William A. Richardson resigned the Treasury portfolio in June, 1874, and was succeeded by