of our Republic, has not heretofore been honored with a genealogy, nor has her advent been sung. The author has followed Hesiod for her maternal ancestry, and has connected her with the Grecian hierarchy. (See Hesiod's Theogony.)

NOTE 14.

"Kansas the name; child of the wind." Andreas, in his History of Kansas, says: "Kansas means smoky, in the language of the tribe." He copied from writers Holloway and others, who must have known little or nothing of the history or language of these Indians, or cognate tribes. Perhaps the best authority in the world in regard to the meaning of the word Kansas is the Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, of the bureau of ethnology in the Smithsonian Institution, at Washington. He is certainly very high authority, from his long association with and his extensive studies in the language and history of the Siouan tribes. He says: "While the exact meaning of Kansas is unknown to me, I am sure it does not mean 'smoky, in the language of the tribe.' That would be cúdjujü', filled with smoke; or else, cúdje égu, smoke-like.

The old spell

ing of Long and others, Konza, is nearer to the original name than is our Kansas. It (Konza) is almost the pronunciation of Kan-ze, the tribal name. Omaha and Quapaw are names of comparatively modern origin, having been given when the people separated at the mouth of the Ohio river. They are correlatives (up-stream people and down-stream people) — geographical names. But Kan-ze, Pañka and Waçaçe (or Kansas), Ponka and Osage are very ancient names, whose true meanings are not revealed outside of the secret society of the tribes. These are mythical or sacred names. Ponka is associated with the red cedar, and Kansas with the wind. . . . The Omaha Man-ze gens (or clan) has wind names for its males and females. The corresponding Kansas gens is the Kan-ze, part of whom are wind people, or south-wind people. The corresponding Osage gens has several names, Kan-şe, etc., meaning south-wind people." (Letter to author, dated July 20, 1886.) The same writer, under date of August 12, 1886, says: "I maintain the following:

1. Kansas does not mean, nor has it meant, in the language of the Kansas or Kaw tribe, nor in that of any cognate tribe, as far as I have ascertained, smoky. 2. Kansas, in one form or another, is at present- and this must have been the case for hundreds of years-applied in the Omaha, Kansas and Osage tribes to gentes or parts of which are said to be wind people. 3. Kan-şe, Kan-ze, Xan-ze should not be confounded with Ansage, K'an-sage, etc. (swift). The rule is, that difference of sound makes difference of meaning."

NOTE 15.

On the 30th of May, 1854, President Pierce signed the Kansas-Nebraska bill.

NOTE 16.

The doctrine or principle upon which the Southern Confederacy was founded, at the time of secession, is, that slavery is right; that it is a great physical, philosophical and moral truth, and especially the natural and normal condition of the negro. Shortly after the government of the Confederate States of America was organized, its vice president, A. H. Stevens, in a speech at Savannah, said: " "The new constitution has put to rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institutions - African slavery as it exists among usthe proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the rock upon which the old Union would split. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen, at the time of the formation of the old constitution were, that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally and politically. Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its corner stone rests, upon the great truth, that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is

the first in the world based upon this great physical, philo-. sophical and moral truth." (Am. Cy., 1861, p. 128.)

Judge Jeremiah S. Black, the eminent jurist, says: "My faith and my reason both assure me that the infallible God proceeded on good grounds when he authorized slavery in Judea.” (N. A. Review, August, 1881.)

I quote the above to show at this time what the younger generation has perhaps overlooked in its study of the civil war. The above doctrine of Alexander H. Stevens was the full-fledged political faith of the Southrons who invaded Kansas in 1854–6. But this great "moral truth" of the South could not long endure under the civilization of the nineteenth century.

Abraham Lincoln, in his Cooper Institute speech, February 27, 1860, speaking of the demands of the South, said: "Holding, as they do, that slavery is morally right and socially elevating, they cannot cease to demand a full national recognition of it as a legal right and a social blessing. Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any ground save our conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws and constitutions against it are themselves wrong, and should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, we cannot justly object to its nationality, its universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension, its enlargement. All they ask we could readily grant, if we thought slavery right; all we ask they could readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right, and our thinking it wrong, is the precise fact upon which depends the whole controversy."

This controversy was at last ended by the civil war, and the "precise fact" whether slavery was right or wrong was decided at the point of the bayonet under the flag of the Union. In this connection we may remark of Truth, in passing, that "the eternal years of God are hers."

NOTE 17.

As soon as the Kansas-Nebraska act was signed and made known, the inhabitants of Missouri took possession of Kansas, and determined to make slavery the corner stone of her polit

ical edifice. To this end they came into Leavenworth county, passed the following resolutions, and returned to their homes: "That we will afford protection to no Abolitionist as a settler of this Territory. That we recognize the institution of slavery as already existing in this Territory, and advise slaveholders to introduce their property as early as possible." (Kansas Affairs, p. 2.) These resolutions certainly foreshadowed the DredScott decision, and preceded it three years.

In this connection Dr. Gihon, secretary to Governor Geary, says: "It (slavery) resolved, as a matter of safety and interest, not only to disperse those (Free-State immigrants) who had already entered the Territory, but to prevent, if possible, the admission of all others of similar character. To this end meetings were held in various parts of the Territory and in the border towns of Missouri, at which speeches were made and resolutions adopted of the most incendiary and inflammatory description. At one of these meetings, held at Westport, Mo., in July, 1854, an association was formed, and adopted the following resolutions:

"Resolved, That this association will, whenever called upon by any of the citizens of Kansas Territory, hold itself in readiness together to assist to remove any and all emigrants who go there under the auspices of the Northern Emigrant Aid Society.

"Resolved, That we recommend to the citizens of other counties, particularly those bordering on the Kansas territory, to adopt regulations similar to those of this association, and to indicate their readiness to operate in the objects of this resolution.'" (Gihon's History of Kansas, p. 29.)

NOTE 18.

"Ruffian" was a word applied by the ruffian to himself. "Let it not be understood that this term 'Border Ruffian' is considered by those to whom it is applied as one of reproach. On the contrary, they boast of it, are proud of it, and do all in their power to merit it, and very many of them have been eminently successful. In their manners they assume the character of the ruffian, in their dress they exhibit the appearance of the ruffian, and in their conversation they labor to convey the inference that they are indeed ruffians.

"On the levee at Kansas City stood a sort of omnibus, or wagon, used to convey passengers to and from Westport, upon either side of which was painted, in flaming capitals, the words, 'BORDER RUFFIAN.'

"Imagine a man standing, in long boots covered with dust and mud, drawn over his trousers, the latter made of coarse, fancy-colored cloth, well soiled; the handle of a large bowie knife projecting from one or both boot tops; a leathern belt buckled around his waist, on each side of which is fastened a large revolver; a red or blue shirt, with a heart, anchor, eagle, or some other favorite device, braided on the breast and back, over which is swung a rifle or carbine, a sword dangling by his side; an old slouched hat, with a cockade or brass star on the front or side, and a chicken, goose or turkey feather sticking in the top; hair, uncut and uncombed, covering his neck and shoulders; an unshaved face and unwashed hands-imagine such a specimen of humanity, who can swear any given number of oaths in any specified time; drink any quantity of bad whisky without getting drunk, and boast of having stolen a half dozen horses, and killed one or more Abolitionists, and you will have a pretty fair conception of a border ruffian as he appears in Missouri and in Kansas." (Gihon, pp. 106, 107.)

NOTE 19.

The committee appointed by the lower house of Congress to investigate the Kansas affairs, in 1855-56, on which committee was John Sherman, of Ohio, speaking of the secret organizations to establish slavery in Kansas, say: "It was known by different names, such as 'Social Band,' 'Friends' Society,' 'Blue Lodge,' 'The Sons of the South.' Its members were bound together by secret oaths, and they had passwords, signs and grips by which they were known to each other. braced great numbers of citizens of Missouri, and was extended into the slave States and into the Territory. Its avowed purpose was not only to extend slavery into Kansas, but also into other territory of the United States, and to form a union of all the friends of the institution. Its plan of operating

It em