because of restrictions chiefly contained in recent laws. The abolition sentiment was gaining strength among a class of people who stood aloof from the two great parties. The Missouri struggle had given birth to a Free-soil party, and from the day when Taylor offered his resolution to exclude slavery from Missouri, the Free-soil party gained strength -disclosed in antislavery publications, antislavery meetings, in antislavery resolutions of State Legislatures, and in antislavery laws. To all this the slave-holding States made rejoinder by counter-publications, resolutions, and laws.

The collapse of State systems of internal improvement, the failure of the State banks and the suspension of specie payments, the depreciation of State bonds, the worthlessness of fiat money, and the fearful burdens which all this ruin put upon the shoulders of the taxpayers left their disfiguring marks on the lives of multitudes of men and women. Few of the children born during these dark days had the opportunities which in ordinary, prosperous times are the common heritage of each generation of Americans. Hard times rob childhood and youth, burden manhood, and sadden old age. Business was prostrate, farm produce would not sell, attendance at the schools fell off, and especially at those of higher grade, which charged for tuition.

Could one have seen the whole country at a glance in the years when Arkansas and Michigan came into the Union, and then again two years later, when the great panic had come, it would

Texas and Its Boundary Line

have seemed as if the nation had been struck motionless—as if some powerful and evil spirit had stopped the wheels in the factories, closed the banks, shut up the stores, stayed the plough in the furrow, fastened the boat to the wharf, suddenly dismissed the bridge-builder, the engineer, and the contractor, and discharged the laborers with their tools in their hands. When, by cruel fortune, an ants' nest is suddenly crushed in, the little creatures are for a moment stunned. Then they are seen running aimlessly in all directions and apparently greatly excited. After a time they crawl back into orderly ways, and begin to repair their habitation. In a few days they have accommodated themselves to their new conditions and are seen to be busily at work, as if no accident had befallen them. They will even abandon their repairs to wage battle with another colony.

Amid the hard times that followed the panic of '37 the people of the commonwealths acted very much like a colony of ants whose fine roof had suddenly been tumbled upon their heads. Stunned, uncertain for a time, they soon resumed their undertakings, adapted themselves to their new conditions, and stood ready to wage battle with their opponents. Nor was a cause of division lacking. In April, 1836, the United States and Mexico arranged, through their Representatives at Washington, for a survey of a boundary line between the two republics as stipulated by the treaty of 1828.*

* Treaties and Conventions, pp. 675-6.

The execution of this agreement was suddenly interrupted by the revolt of Texas and its proclamation of independence.* A treaty with the new republic soon followed,† and a survey of boundary was agreed upon. It was to be completed within a year. But no man can tell what a year may

bring forth.

The new republic was an opportunity. Hard times breed idlers-restless, perhaps dangerous. The panic of '37 turned the thoughts of thousands of Americans, chiefly in the slave-holding States, towards Texas. Military companies volunteered for the defence of the new republic. From Kentucky, Tennessee, Arkansas; from Georgia, the Carolinas, and Florida; from Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, these volunteers converged upon Texas. The compromise of 1820 had made nearly all the Louisiana country free soil. The reso

* March 2, 1836. The declaration was an imperfect transcript of Jefferson's; was made by Americans chiefly from Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee, and Kentucky, and omitted Jefferson's dictum, "all men are created equal." The constitution of Texas of 1836 was closely modelled after those of the five States above mentioned, but was more restrictive than any of them of the immigration of free negroes and of the power of the Legislature to emancipate slaves. It was the ultra pro-slavery

constitution thus far made. It became the basis of the constitution of 1845. The declaration given by Poore was adopted by the consultation at San Felipe de Austria, in November, 1835, and refers to the Mexican Constitution of 1824. The actual declaration passed March 2, 1836, is not given by Poore. See the Journal of the Convention (General Council of the Republic of Texas) November 14, 1835, to March 11, 1836. Houston: 1839. † April 11, 1838. April 25, 1838.

Treaties and Conventions, 1078-1080.

Opposing Sentiments About Texas

lute vote which, seventeen years before, had supported Randolph and Lowndes in their opposition to slavery restriction now brought forth a harvest of public sentiment in the South. On Christmas Day, 1837, the Legislature of Alabama gave expression to this in a joint resolution for the reannexation of Texas. Similar resolutions were passed by other Southern Legislatures. Those of the North passed counter-resolutions.* The country

*The conflicting and ominous elements in public opinion from 1835 to 1850 are nowhere more plainly and significantly indicated than by the acts and joint resolutions of the State Legislatures respecting Oregon, Texas, and slavery. The principal resolutions and acts are as follows:

Alabama.-Joint resolutions for annexation of Texas, December 25, 1837, and January 1, 1842. Another sympathizing with Virginia (in re the resolutions of New York, April 11, 1842, as to refusing return of fugitive slaves), “ a dangerous and alarming attack upon Southern rights," February 14, 1843. "The right to exercise power (over slavery) by a State is higher and deeper than the Constitution," resolution of January 27, 1845. Alabama will act in concert and make common cause with other slave States for the defence of the institution of slavery-Congress has no power over the institution, resolution of March 6, 1848.

Delaware.-Joint resolution—the addition of slave territory hostile to the spirit of free institutions and contrary to sound morality, February 25, 1847.

Florida. - Joint resolution that "Congress has no power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia or to prohibit it south of 36° 30'. Florida ready to join Virginia, South Carolina, North Carolina," etc., "for defence of our rights.” "whether through a Southern convention or otherwise," January 13, 1849.

Georgia.-Elaborate resolution on "Federal relations," Wilmot proviso, slavery extension, etc., February 8, 1850.

Illinois. Joint resolution favoring the occupation of Oregon, February 21, 1843; to 54° 40', February 27, 1845; same date, one favoring "reannexation" of Texas.

Kentucky.-Joint resolution: The United States should assert

was again divided. Like the ants, the people forgot that their roof had recently fallen about their ears. Public sentiment North was arrayed against public sentiment South. For a time its vehe

its rights and occupy Oregon, February 27, 1843. See also on Federal relations, March 1, 1847.

Louisiana.-Joint resolution proposing a convention of the slave - holding States to obtain respect for their institutions, "peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must." Resolution of February 20, 1837.

Massachusetts. - Joint resolution against the annexation of Texas, March 16, 1838; against the admission of new slave States, April 23, 1838; also, of same date, resolution that Congress by the Constitution has power to abolish the slave traffic between the States. The admission of Texas dangerous to the peace of the Union, March 17, 1843.

Michigan.-Joint resolution, March 11, 1844, that the joint occupancy of it with Great Britain should cease; that our claim to 54° 40' is "clear and incontestable," January 4, 1846; that the Mexican War was justifiable, February 13, 1847; that slavery ❝is a mere local institution without positive law"; that the principle of the Ordinance of 1787 is fundamental, and that Congress has the power and the duty to prohibit slavery in any United States territory now or to be acquired, January 13, 1849. Joint resolution favoring the admission of California, February 23, 1850.

Mississippi.-Joint resolution like the last of Alabama, February 6, 1841. For annexation of Texas, February 25, 1842. Resolution approving and vindicating the Mexican War, March 4, 1848; on Federal relations, March 6, 1850; on California, March 5. 1850. Very elaborate, pro-slavery, and favoring State sovereignty.

New Hampshire.-Joint resolution for the "reannexation of Texas," December 28, 1844, and another disapproving of “British interference" in Texas, July 2, 1845. Joint resolution that "the Ordinance of 1787 should be extended over Texas," December 29, 1848. Slavery should be excluded from New Mexico and California, January 4, 1849. No more slave States, "all men created equal"; New Hampshire "pledged for freedom"; no slavery in Oregon, July 10, 1846.

New York.-Joint resolution disapproving Governor Seward's refusal to return fugitive slaves (to Virginia), because slavery is not felony within meaning of the United States Court, Art. iv.,