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“We have decreed, and do decree, as follows:

"The decrees of Berlin and Milan are definitely (from the 1st of November last,) considered as no longer in force, as far as regards American vessels."

A powerful incentive to the publication of this decree, is presumed to have been, that the British government was making use of the duke of Bassano's report of the 10th of March, to prove the non-repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees. And probably this fact aided our minister, Mr. Barlow, in extracting this decree from the emperor. It was strongly suspected, that no act of repeal had taken place previously to the publication of the above. This suspicion was justified by the fact, that neither Mr. Russell, who was charge at Paris at the time the decree purports to have been issued, nor Mr. Serrurier, the French minister at Washington, had any information of it, as they both asserted against the declaration of Bassano to Mr. Barlow that it had been communicated to both of them. Its bearing date nearly a year before its appearance, afforded, of itself, strong ground for doubting its preexistence.

Early in August intelligence was received of the revocation of the British orders in council. The prince regent, in the name and on behalf of the king, had, on the 21st of April, 1812, issued a declaration, “ That if, at any time thereafter, the Berlin and Milan decrees should, by some authentic act of the French government, publicly promulgated, be unconditionally repealed, the orders in council of the 7th of January, 1807, and of the 26th of April, 1809, should thenceforth be wholly revoked.” Mr. Russell, our charge at London, having, on the 21st of May, transmitted to lord Castlereagh a copy of the French decree of repeal, the prince regent, on the 23d of June, publicly declared the orderg to be revoked, so far as might regard American vessels and their cargoes being American property, from the 1st day of August next. He stated, however, that he did not consider the conditions of his order in April as satisfied by the French decree, but he was “ disposed to take such measures as might tend to reëstablish the intercourse between the neutral and belligerent nations upon its accustomed principles." The revocation was of course conditioned upon the repeal,, by the United States, of the non-intercourse acts by which British vessels were excluded from our ports.

This act of the British government was caused by the complaints of the manufacturers, who had begun to feel the effects of the renewal of sur non-importation act, and in whose behalf some movement had been nade in parliament, and by the favor which the measure received from *he new ministry; there having been an entire change in that branch of he British government.

Soon after the declaration of war, Mr. Foster took his departure, bearing a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Russell, charge at London, author. izing him to propose to the British government a suspension of hostilities with a view to an adjustment of all difficulties between the two countries. The conditions of the proposed armistice were, that the orders in council should be revoked, and no illegal blockades substituted for them; and that orders should be given to discontinue the impressment of seamen from our vessels, and to restore those already impressed. As an inducement to the British government to discontinue impressments, assurances might be given, that a law would be passed by congress to prohibit the employment of British seamen in our vessels, public or private; a similar prohibtion to be enacted by Great Britain against the employment of American citizens. These reciprocal enactments would operate most in favor of Great Britain, as few of our seamen voluntarily entered the British service.

In a subsequent letter of the 27th of July, Mr. Monroe authorized Mr. Russell to modify the propositions so as to free them still farther from reasonable objection on the part of Great Britain, by dispensing with the former condition of an express previous stipulation on the subject of impressment. That is, he might agree, in general terms, in order to allow full time for a general adjustment of difficulties, that an armistice should take place for that purpose, on the simple condition that commissioners should be appointed by each party, with power to form a treaty providing to secure the seamen of each from being taken or employed in the service of the other, and to regulate commerce and all other interesting questions between them.

At Halifax, on his way home, Mr. Foster received dispatches from his government, dated about the 17th of June, and directed to him at Washington, but which he there opened, informing him of the intended revocation of the orders in council, to take effect on the 1st of August. Presuming that the object of communicating this intention was to prevent or stop hostilities, he sent the dispatches to Mr. Baker, secretary to the British legation, still at Washington, and requested him to communicate to our government the contemplated change of policy on the part of Great Britain, and to propose a suspension of hostilities. Having had a conversation at Halifax with vice-admiral Sawyer, naval commander, and sir John Sherbroke, lieutenant-governor, he was authorized by them to say to Mr. Baker, that decisions of cases of capture of American vessels should be suspended. He had not seen sir George Provost, the governorin-chief, and captain-general of the land forces; but he had written to him by express, and did not doubt his agreeing to the arrangement. Our government, however, declined the proposition, alleging as a reason, that

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it was not probable, even if it was less liable to insuperable difficulties, that it could have any material effect sooner than the arrangement proposed through Mr. Russell, if it should be favorably received.

These facts were communicated by letters of the 9th and 10th of August, to Mr. Russell, by Mr. Graham, acting as secretary in the temporary absence of Mr. Monroe, who, after his return, wrote to Mr. Russell, detailing at length the principal reasons against accepting the proposition. 1st. The president had no power to suspend judicial proceedings on prizes. 2d. The proposition did not proceed from the British government, and might not be approved by it. 3d. No security was proposed against the Indians, who had engaged in the war on the side of Great Britain. 4th. The proposition was not equal, as it would restrain us from attacking Canada, and give Great Britain time to augment her forces there. 5th. As a principal object of the war was redress for impressments, an agreement to suspend hostilities, even before the British government was heard from, might be considered a relinquishment of that claim. 6th. The instructions given him (Mr. Russell,) if met by the British government, might have already produced the same result in a greater extent and more satisfactory form. He also stated several points in which the declaration itself was objectionable.

In September, Admiral Warren, who was sent out as commander of the British naval forces on the American coasts, arrived at Halifax. He had power also to propose an armistice, and negotiate an arrangement respecting the repeal of our non-intercourse regulations. The president was unwilling to suspend hostilities, without an agreement on the part of Great Britain to suspend her impressments; and as Warren had no power on that subject, the proposals for an armistice were rejected. As the propositions through Mr. Russell to the British government were also rejected, the war was prosecuted. And, as the orders in council

, had been conditionally revoked, the only remaining grievance to be redressed by war, was that of impressment—a grievance, however, of great magnitude. The number of impressments has never been accurately ascertained. There were recorded in the state department, more than six thousand cases; which, it was supposed, was scarcely half the number actually impressed. Making all due allowance for cases of persons falsely claiming to be American citizens, the number must still have been very great. Many of them were doomed to a cruel service on board British vessels until they could prove themselves Americans, which, while in such condition, was in most cases impossible. And when at last war took place between the United States and Great Britain, they were compelled to fight against their own country, or suffer imprisonment. Thousands, it is said, did actually choose the latter alternative,

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the most of whom, unable to procure the necessary proof of their origin, were not liberated till after the restoration of peace. The name of Dartmoor became notorious from the number confined within its prison.

After the declaration of war, and before congress adjourned, acts having reference to the war were passed, for the more perfect organization of the army; to authorize the issuing of treasury notes; for imposing additional duties on imports; to make farther appropriation for the defense of the maritime frontier and for the support of the navy; for the safe keeping and accommodation of prisoners of war; for prohibiting American vessels from trading with enemies of the United States; besides several others. An act had passed in March, authorizing a loan not exceeding $11,000,000. An act was also passed before adjourn. ment, fixing the 1st Monday of November for the next meeting of congress.

An act having been passed at the previous session of congress to enable the people of the territory of Orleans to form a constitution and state government, and for the admission of such state into the union; an act was passed at the present session, declaring the state to be admitted into the union, with the name of Louisiana. And by another act, the name of the Louisiana territory was changed to that of Missouri, and its government to a territorial government of the first class, the legislature being chosen by the people.

CHAPTER XVIII.

REELECTION OF MR. MADISON.-CONTROVERSY WITH MASSACHUSETTS AND

CONNECTICUT.-RUSSIA OFFERS TO MEDIATE. -DUTIES AND TAXES.EMBARGO.-ITS SUDDEN REPEAL.-OFFER TO NEGOTIATE-ACCEPTED.QAPITOL BURNED.-HARTFORD COVENTION. —BANK PROJECTS.

The presidential election of 1812, resulted in the election of a majority of electors in favor of Messrs. Madison and Gerry for president and vice-president; the former receiving 128 votes and the latter 131. De Witt Clinton received 89 votes for president, and Jared Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, 86 for vice-president. They were supported by the republican party of the state of New York, and the federal party generally. . Mr. Clinton was adopted by a general convention of the latter party, in which eleven states were represented; all of those north of the Potomac, with South Carolina. Though a republican, he was nominated with a view of defeating Mr. Madison, which the reduced strength of the federal party had rendered hopeless with a candidate of their own politics. Mr. Ingersoll was a moderate federalist.

The 2nd session of the 12th congress commenced on the 2nd day of November, 1812. The leading topics of the message were those relating to the war.

He recapitulated the important events which had occurred since the last session; presented the present condition of the country; and recommended farther measures for the prosecution of the war. Among the subjects noticed in the message, was the refusal of the gov. ernors of Massachusetts and Connecticut to furnish the required detachments of militia toward the defense of the maritime frontier. One of the grounds of this refusal was, that, in their opinion, there was at that time no invasion, nor any danger of one, to render a call for the militia necessary. The denseness of the population along the sea-coast, especially of Massachusetts, was such as to admit a speedy assembling of her well disciplined militia at any point of danger; and the governor deemed it unnecessary either to take them from their employments, or to incur the expense of supporting an unemployed military force. Assuming the right to judge of the existence of an emergency which should justify such a call, they refused compliance. The legislature of Connecticut passed an act to raise a provisional army of 2,600 men for its own defense.

An act was passed at this session authorizing a loan of sixteen millions of dollars; and an act authorizing the issue of treasury notes not exceeding the sum of five millions.

With the expectation that the suspension of the non-importation act would, according to its own provisions, follow the repeal of the orders in council, American vessels in the ports of Great Britain at the time of the repeal, were loaded with British goods, which on arrival in our ports became forfeited. This exportation of goods from Great Britain continued for several weeks, encouraged by the opinion of Mr. Russell, American charge at London, that the non-importation law would cease to operate. Eighteen millions' worth of goods which had during this time left England, was illegally brought into our ports. These goods, instead of being detained by the government, were delivered to the claimants, on their giving bonds for the amount of their value. An act was passed, mainly through the efforts of Mr. Cheves and Mr. Calhoun, though opposed by leading men of their own party, remitting the forfeitures under the act. The vote in the house on the bill was 64 to 61. The federal members, objecting to certain provisions of the bill, voted against it.

By another act, the president was authorized to cause ample retalia