occurs, I here and elsewhere, shall rally under the "banner of the Democracy and of the Constitution." [Applause.]

In

It is interesting in this connection to recall an incident as illustrating how utterly careless were illustrious politicians as to the question over which they were dividing parties and imperiling the country passing through Washington Mr. YANCEY was the guest of Mr. PUGH, a member of Congress from Alabama. While at Mr. PUGH's house he was visited by Mr. S. S. BAXTER, of Tenn., and H. W. FISHER, of Virginia, both of whom in published letters afterwards, testified to the correctness of the conversation which occured between themselves and Mr. GEO. N. SANDERS, of New York, who stepped in during their visit. Mr. SANDERS was a shrewd politician of some note, and had held the important position of Consul to London under President PIERCE. Mr. YANCEY said the Vice-Presidency had been offered him by the friends of Mr. DOUGLAS if he would bring about a reconciliation between the factions. Mr. SANDERS had made the offer, it was said, with the knowledge and consent of Mr. DOUGLAS. During this conversation Mr. SANDERS urged Mr. YANCEY to accept, and suggested that Mr. DOUGLAS would die in six months after his inauguration, when the whole question would be solved. Mr. FISHER repeated this conversation in a public speech at Baltimore, and his statement was not denied.

CHAPTER XVI.

The Canvass in Alabama-Assaults upon Yancey-Position of the Three Contestants-Yancey's Canvass of the West and North-His Arrival at Memphis-Reception at Knoxville-Speech at Washington-Attempted Fusion in New York-His Speech in Faneuil Hall-At Lexington-At New Orleans-Return of Yancey and Visit of Douglas to Montgomery, Etc., Etc.

Mr. President: "If you wish to put a stop to cheering and applause upon this floor, you must stop Mr. Yancey from speaking."-[Rynders in the Charleston Convention.

"Your policy in this great crisis of a final struggle between the South and its foes is mad and suicidal in the last degree. It is to risk everything for nothing. It is to annihilate the only living power that can defend us, and to consummate a ruin of Southern hopes and prospects, under which your own favorite abstraction of 'protection' will be the first and deepest buried. Do you expect to obtain congressional protection for slavery in the Territories by electing William H. Seward President?"— [Public Letter of John Forsyth.

The political campaign was now opened. The WHIG candidates for Presidential Electors attacked the DOUGLAS Democracy because of their squatter sovereignty principles, and the BRECKINRIDGE Democracy because of their disunion tendencies. In Alabama the opinions and declarations of Mr. YANCEY became the special target for the opposition. It was argued that Mr. YANCEY was a pronounced secessionist in 1851, and that he was still a disunionist. It was true he now denied that he was a disunionist; but he made the same denial then. Then it was that he organized and harangued the States-Rights Associations; but yesterday he was organizing and harangueing the Leagues of

United Southerners. Ten years ago he was for instructing the South in the principles of States-Rights, and admonishing them not to be trammelled by ties of parties. Two years ago he was for instructing the Southern mind in the same direction, for firing the Southern heart and precipitating the cotton States into revolution. This being precipitated into revolution could mean nothing more nor less than separate State secession upon the election of a Republican President. In his speech at the Commercial Convention, Mr. YANCEY had said that the election of a President under the forms of the Constitution by the Republican party, would not of itself justify secession; and he had said in his Baltimore speech that there had been no injustice and wrong since 1850 which would justify disunion. The principles of the States-Rights party were those of the Virginia resolutions of '98, which declared that the injustice and wrong which authorized secession on the part of a State, must be "a deliberate, palpable and "dangerous exercise of powers not granted by the compact." The power of electing such a President as they prefer, is one of those undisputed powers which could not be denied to the States. Alabama, therefore, had no justification to secede simply upon the election of a Republican President, and well had Mr. YANCEY spoken of such a purpose as "revolution." She, together with the entire South, declared by large majorities that the injustice and wrong of the Compromise Measures of 1850 were not sufficient cause, and Mr. YANCEY had publicly declared that since that day the injustice and wrong done his section was not sufficient to justify disunion. Such being the case, said the Unionists, it would seem the duty of patriots, the

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interest of men who yearn for continued peace and prosperity, that the State should not be dragged into the suicidal policy of South Carolina, that the people of Alabama were in danger, was evidenced by the actions and schemes of Mr. YANCEY and his peculiar friends. He had brought about the disruption of the Charleston Convention by procuring from the Alabama Democratic Convention instructions that delegates should withdraw in a certain contingency. He had been largely instrumental in obtaining from the General Assembly a call for a State Convention in the event of LINCOLN's election, and a declaration that his administration would be resisted. He had fired the Southern heart by obtaining this declaration for disunion from the representatives of the people, and he was now for precipitating the State into secession. He wanted no delay, no reflection, no waiting for co-operative action. Co-operation would bring delay, and delay would cool the passions and fortify reason. Success for his schemes depended upon precipitation, and precipitation would result in ruin.

The old Whig leaders believed that there was a possibility of the election of Mr. BELL by the people. There was certainly no hope for the election of Mr. Douglas or Mr. Breckinridge. It was probable that the names of LINCOLN, BELL, and BRECKINRIDGE would go to the House. In that event Mr. BELL had an excellent chance of being put into the Presidency as a compromise man, since the DOUGLAS and LINCOLN Representatives would prefer to elect him before the 4th of March rather than see the President of the Senate assume the Presidency of the United States after that day. Gen. CLANTON, everywhere throughout the Dis

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