The motion was agreed to; and the resolution and address were referred accordingly.

Mr. DEVLIN. I move that the address printed.

Mr. OLIN. I think it had better take the regular course. It is not usual to print at the time

of reference.

Mr. LOVEJOY. I think we have talked with those men long enough, and we should talk to them now with the musket.

The SPEAKER. The Chair must remind gentlemen that this conversation is out of order.

CADETS IN THE NAVAL SCHOOL. Mr. CARLILE introduced the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Committee on Naval Affairs be instructed to report a bill providing for the appointment of the full number of cadets from such States as have not now in the Naval School the number to which they are entitled by existing laws; and if from any States recommendations are not made, the number shall be taken from such States in the same section of the Union as shall apply for places in said school.

Mr. ELIOT. I would inquire if that resolution is not imperative? I ask that it be read again. It was accordingly read a second time.

Mr. WASHBURNE. I object to the resolution as it stands; but if it is modified to instruct the committee to inquire into the expediency of reporting such a bill, I shall not object.

Mr.CARLILE. I accept the suggested modi

fication.

The resolution, as modified, was agreed to.

RELEASE OF PRISONERS.

Mr. UPTON introduced the following resolution; which was read, considered, and agreed to:

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to instruct the officers of the Army of the United States taking prisoners and releasing them upon their oath of allegiance to the United States, to report their names and residences to him, that the same may be recorded in his Department. CHARLES H. UPTON.

Mr. COX introduced the following resolution: Resolved, That the claim of CHARLES H. UPTON to a seat in this House, from the seventh district of Virginia, be referred to the Committee of Elections, who shall examine into the regularity of his election, and his eligibility as a member of Congress from the State of Virginia.

Mr. OLIN. I move to lay the resolution on the table.

The motion was not agreed to.
The resolution was agreed to.

BUSINESS OF THE SESSION.

Mr. HOLMAN introduced the following resolution; which was read, considered, and agreed to: Resolved, That the House, during the present extraor dinary session, will only consider bills and resolutions concerning the military and naval operations of the Government, and the financial affairs therewith connected; aud all bills and resolutions of a private character, and all other bills and resolutions not directly connected with the raising of revenue or affecting the military or naval affairs of the Government, shall be referred to the appropriate committees without debate, to be considered at the next regular session of Congress.

Mr. LOVEJOY introduced the following resolutions, and called the previous question:

1. Resolved, That, in the judgment of this House, it is no part of the duty of the soldiers of the United States to capture and return fugitive slaves.

2. Resolved, That the Judiciary Committee be instructed to inquire into the expediency of the repeal of the law called the fugitive slave law.

3. Whereas Major Emory, of the United States Army, resigned his commission under circumstances showing sympathy with the rebellion against the Government: Therefore,

Resolved, That his restoration to the service was improper, unjustifiable, and this House, in the name of the people, demand of the Executive his immediate removal.

The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered to be put.

Mr. ASHLEY demanded the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. Mr. EDWARDS. Is it in order to move to lay the resolutions upon the table? The SPEAKER. It is.

Mr. EDWARDS. 1 make that motion.

Mr. LOVEJOY. On that I demand the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

Mr. BLAKE. I would like to have the resolutions read again.

The resolutions were again read.

The SPEAKER. The gentleman from Pennsylvania raises the question of order that these resolutions are in conflict with the resolution which has just been adopted, on motion of the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. HOLMAN.]

Mr. HICKMAN. As I remember, that resolution

at

The SPEAKER. The gentleman is out of order. The Chair appeals to the House now, the outset, to sustain him in preserving order and enforcing the rules of the House. If the House will support him, he will do so without any reference to individuals. [Cries of "That's right."] The Clerk will now read the resolution which was adopted on motion of the gentleman from Indiana. The Clerk read the resolution, as follows: Resolved, That the House, during the present extraordinary session, will only consider bills and resolutions concerning the military and naval operations of the Government, and the financial affairs therewith connected; and all bills and resolutions of a private character, and all other bills and resolutions not directly connected with the raising of revenue or affecting the military or naval affairs of the Government, shall be referred to the appropriate committees without debate, to be considered at the next regular session of Congress.

The SPEAKER. The Chair overrules the point of order raised by the gentleman from Pennsylvania.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I ask if it is in order to move an amendment to the resolutions?

The SPEAKER. Not at this time. A motion has been made by the gentleman from New Hampshire [Mr. EDWARDS] to lay the resolutions on the table.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I should be glad if the gentleman from New Hampshire would withdraw that motion, to allow me to offer an amendment to the resolutions.

Mr. EDWARDS. I cannot withdraw it. The SPEAKER. Then no amendment or debate is in order.

Mr. LOVEJOY. I demand that there be separate votes on the different resolutions.

The SPEAKER. The motion of the gentleman from New Hampshire is to lay the resolutions upon the table, and the Chair knows of no mode in which a motion to lay upon the table can be divided.

The question was taken on Mr. EDWARDS's motion; and it was decided in the affirmative-yeas 88, nays 62; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Allen, Ancona, Appleton, Babbitt, Joseph Bailey, Francis P. Blair, George H. Browne, Burnett, Calvert, Carlile, Chamberlain, Cobb, Cox, Cravens, Crisfield, Crittenden, Curtis, Delano, Diven, Dunlap, Dunn, Edwards, Ely, English, Fisher, Fouke, Franchot, Granger, Grider, Haight, Hale, Harding, Harrison, Hickman, Holman, Horton, Jackson, Johnson, Francis W. Kellogg, William Kellogg, Killinger, Law, Lazear, Leary, Lehman, Logan, McPherson, Mallory, Menzies, Moorhead, Justin S. Morrill, Morris, Nixon, Noble, Noell, Norton, Nugen, Odell, Olin, Patton, George H. Pendleton, Reid, Alexander H. Rice, Richardson, Robinson, Edward H. Rollins, James S. Rollins, Sheffield, William G. Steele, Stratton, Benjamin F. Thomas, Francis Thomas, Train, Trimble, Vallandigham, Verree, Vibbard, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Wall, E. P. Walton, Ward, Webster, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe, Wood, Woodruff, and Wright--88.

NAYS-Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Ashley, Goldsmith F. Bailey, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Campbell, Ambrose W. Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe Conkling, Conway, Covode, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Duell, Edgerton, Eliot, Fessenden, Frank, Gooch, Gurley, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, McKean, McKnight, Mitchell, Anson P. Morrill, Pike, Pomeroy, Porter, Potter, Riddle, Sedgwick, Shanks, Shellabarger, Sherman, Sloan, Stevens, Trowbridge, Vandever, Van Horne, Van Valkenburgh, Van Wyck, Wall, Wallace, Charles W. Walton, Washburne, Wheeler, Albert S. White, and Worcester-62.

So the resolutions were laid upon the table.
During the call of the roll,

Mr. MOORHEAD said, I voted "no;" but believing that we should do nothing now but fur

The result of the vote having been announced as above recorded,

Mr. EDWARDS moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolutions were laid upon the table; and also moved to lay the motion to reconsider upon the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

BUSINESS OF THE SESSION AGAIN.

Mr. HICKMAN. I rise to a privileged question. I move to reconsider the vote by which the resolution of the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. HOLMAN] was adopted-the resolution limiting the business of the House during the session. make the motion on the ground that the resolution, as adopted, cuts off all questions of a judicial character. My purpose is to extend the resolution so as to embrace measures of a judicial character.

Mr. HOLMAN. I move to lay the motion to reconsider upon the table.

Mr. BURNETT. I ask the gentleman from Indiana to withdraw that motion until I can make an inquiry.

Mr. HÓLMAN. I will withdraw it if the gentleman will renew it.

Mr. BURNETT. I will do so. I desire to know of the gentleman from Indiana whether his resolution, by its terms, will cut off propositions that look to a peaceful solution of our present difficulties?

Mr. WASHBURNE. That will lead to debate. Mr. BURNETT. I am entitled to the floor. Mr. WASHBURNE. The resolution is not debatable unless the gentleman from Indiana withdraws his motion.

Mr. BURNETT. He has withdrawn it, and I am upon the floor.

The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks the resolution gives rise to debate.

Mr. BURNETT. I do not propose to debate it, but I have the right to debate it if it does give rise to debate. That is plain. I am one of those, and I frankly confess it, who have hoped for and have not yet abandoned all hope of a peaceful solution of our troubles.

The SPEAKER. The Chair suggests to the gentleman from Kentucky that debate is not in order.

Mr. BURNETT. Then I do not desire to infringe the rules of the House. I hope the vote by which the resolution was adopted will be reconsidered, and it will be so extended as not to exclude propositions for a peaceful solution of our troubles.

Mr. LOVEJOY. I object to debate.

Mr. HOLMAN. The resolution does not have the effect of preventing an effort to adjust the unfortunate difficulties now distracting our country.

Mr. BURNETT. According to my promise to the gentleman from Indiana, I now renew the motion to lay the motion to reconsider upon the table.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I would like to know if the resolution includes privileged questions also?

The SPEAKER. The Chair would state that debate is not in order; and he appeals to gentlemen to assist him in enforcing the rules, especially those gentlemen who have served here a long time.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I ask the gentleman from Kentucky to withdraw the motion to lay on the table for one moment.

Mr. BURNETT. I cannot do it unless the gentleman from Indiana [Mr. HOLMAN] is willing.

Mr. HOLMAN. I do not consent to withdraw it. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. The gentleman from Indiana does not understand my objectThe SPEAKER. Does the gentleman from Indiana withdraw the motion?

Mr. HOLMAN. I deeline to withdraw it. Mr. COX. I call for the reading of the original resolution.

The resolution was read.

The question was taken on Mr. HOLMAN'S motion, and it was not agreed to.

The question recurred on Mr. HICKMAN'S motion; and it was agreed to.

So the House reconsidered the vote by which the resolution was agreed to.

Mr. HICKMAN. I now move to amend the

resolution by adding to it the following words: "And the general questions of a judicial character;" so that it will read:

Resolved, That the House, during the present extraordinary session, will only consider bills and resolutions concerning the military and naval operations of the Government, and the financial affairs therewith connected, and the general questions of a judicial character; and all bills and resolutions of a private character, and all other bills and resolutions not directly connected with the raising of revenue, or affecting the military or naval affairs of the Government, shall be referred to the appropriate committees without debate, to be considered at the next regular session of Congress.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. Irise to a question of order. I understand that the pending question is on the adoption of the resolution. I submit that it is not in order, because it changes the rules of the House, and no notice has been given of the purpose to introduce any such resolution.

The SPEAKER. When the resolution was originally introduced, the Chair inquired whether there was any objection to its introduction. No objection was made. The subject is, therefore, properly before the House; and the Chair overrules the point of order.

Mr.RICHARDSON. I ask the gentleman from Pennsylvania to modify his amendment, so that the House may take action in regard to contested elections.

Mr. HICKMAN. I must decline to do so. Mr. RICHARDSON. I ask the unanimous consent of the House to make a simple suggestion. There was no objection.

Mr. RICHARDSON. Mr. Speaker, one of the highest privileges of the House is its right to inquire into the qualifications of its members. That is constitutional also. The House has already decided who are prima facie entitled to their seats. There are questions of high order which demand the investigation of this House in regard to contested seats here, involving the most serious consequences-involving the whole question of the right of the people to elect. If the gentleman from Pennsylvania will not permit the modification which I suggested to be made to his amendment, I ask the House to vote down his proposition, so that we may get at this question.

Mr. COLFAX. I desire to make a remark. It is certainly not needful to make exceptions of contested-election cases, because they come under a clause of the Constitution which is higher than any of our rules--that clause which makes the House the judge of the qualifications, election, and returns of its members. Besides, this resolution refers to legislation; and contested-election cases are clearly not legislation.

Mr. RIGHARDSON. I ask the gentleman whether, though it is a constitutional right, the House may not defer the consideration thereof to another time?

Mr. COLFAX. On the contrary, it has been uninterruptedly decided, from the commencement of the Government, that a question affecting the right of a member to his seat takes precedence of everything else.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I do not wish to quibble about this thing; but I ask whether, although the right of a member to his seat is a constitutional question, it may not be deferred by the action of the House? That is the question I make.

Mr. COLFAX. On the contrary, I apprehend that no constitutional provision can be deferred by the action of the House.

Mr. COX. Then what is the objection to putting it in the resolution?

Mr. COLFAX. Because it is a matter of the Constitution and not of the rules.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I would suggest that it is already included in the term "judicial." Mr. RICHARDSON. No, sir.

Mr. BURNETT. I ask the indulgence of the House that I may offer the following as an amendment to the amendment of the gentleman from Pennsylvania

And all propositions that may look to a peaceful solution of the pending troubles of the country.

Mr. WASHBURNE. 1 object.

Mr. BURNETT. I hope that members will be permitted to offer such propositions as are right and proper, and let the House vote them down if it choose. Gentlemen have a right to do that. The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered.

Mr. WICKLIFFE. Is a motion in order to lay the resolution on the table?

The SPEAKER. Yes.

Mr. WICKLIFFE. In the name of my constituents, my country, and my God, I hope the legislation of this House will be left free. I therefore move to lay the resolution on the table; and on that I call for the yeas and nays.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

The question was taken; and it was decided in the negative-yeas 52, nays 102; as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Allen, Ancona, Joseph Baily, George H. Browne, Burnett, Calvert, Cobb, Cooper, Cox, Cravens, Crisfield, Crittenden, Dunlap, English, Fisher, Fouke, Grider, Haight, Harding, Harrison, Jackson, Johnson, Law, Lazear, Leary, Logan, Mallory, Menzies, Morris, Noble, Noell, Norton, Nugen, Odell, George H. Pendleton, Perry, Reid, Richardson, Robinson, James S. Rollins, Smith, Jolin B. Steele, William G. Steele, Francis Thomas, Vallandigham, Vibbard, Voorhees, Wadsworth, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe, Wood, and Woodruff-52.

NAYS-Messrs. Aldrich, Ailey, Appleton, Arnold, AshJey, Babbitt, Goldsmith F. Bailey, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Francis P. Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, Buffinton, Campbell, Carlile, Chamberlain, Ambrose W. Clark, Colfax, Frederick A. Conkling, Roscoe Coukling, Conway, Covode, Curtis, Cutler, Davis, Dawes, Delano, Diven, Duell, Dunn, Edgerton, Edwards, Eliot, Ely, Fenton, Fessenden, Franchot, Frank, Gooch, Granger, Gurley, Hickman, Holman, Horton, Hutchins, Julian, Kelley, Francis W. Kellogg, Killinger, Lansing, Loomis, Lovejoy, McKean, McKnight, McPherson, Mitchell, Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Nixon, Olin, Patton, Pike, Pomeroy, Porter, Potter, Alexander H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward II. Rollins, Sedgwick, Shanks, Sheffield, Shellabarger, Sherman, Sloan, Spaulding, Stratton, Benjamin F. Thomas, Thayer, Train, Trimble, Trowbridge, Upton, Vandever, Van Horne, Van Valkenburgh, Van Wyck, Verree, Wall, Wallace, Charles W. Walton, E P. Walton, Ward, Washburne, Wheeler, Albert S. White, Windom, Worcester, and Wright-102.

So the House refused to lay the resolution on the table.

Resolved, That we believe it would be wise in the Executive of this nation and the executives of the several States, in all their appointments to military or civil positions, to adopt the patriotic maxim of the immortal Jefferson, "Is he honest, is he capable ?" and place men in position and power without regard to past political opinions.

Resolved, That we approve the act of the President and his official advisers in summoning the citizen soldiers of the loyal States to the defense of the national capital and its archives.

Resolved, That this Congress has unbounded confidence in the patriotism, forecast, courage, and military skill and wisdom of Lieutenant General Scott, the great military commander of the age, who never lost a battle.

Resolved, That whilst some of the officers of the American Army, who had been reared, schooled, and fostered by our Government, have deserted and are now leaders in the disaffected forces, this Congress congratulates the present Administration and the country that Lieutenant General Scott still stands at the head of our Army in the full vigor of health and his great intellect to direct all its important strategic movements.

Resolved, That while we hold in one hand the sword of justice, to sustain, strengthen, and uphold the Executive in the maintenance of the Constitution and the Union, it becomes our solemn and Christian duty to offer with the other continuously to our deluded brethren the olive branch of peace.

Mr. LOVEJOY. I move to lay the resolutions on the table.

Mr. HOLMAN. On that motion, I call for the yeas and nays.

Mr. HICKMAN. I rise to a question of order. Under the resolution which has been adopted, on motion of the gentlemen from Indiana, limiting the business which shall be considered by the House, the resolutions are not in order. Otherwise the resolution itself is perfectly inoperative.

The SPEAKER. The Chair sustains the question of order, and decides the series of resolutions to be out of order, as not coming within the scope of the resolution adopted by the House, defining the character of the business which shall be considered.

CLERKS OF COMMITTEES.

Mr. WASHBURNE. I submit the following resolution, and call for the previous question on its adoption:

Resolved, That the standing committees of this House which in the last Congress were authorized to employ clerks, be and they are hereby authorized to employ clerks during the Thirty-Seventh Congress upon the same terms of compensation as were provided for like service in the Thirty-Sixth Congress, while actually employed.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I rise to a question of order. I submit that under the resolution submitted by the gentleman from Indiana and adopted, as amended, on motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, that resolution is not in order.

The SPEAKER. The Chair sustains the question of order, and decides the resolution to be out of order

Mr. WASHBURNE. 1 appeal from the decision of the Chair.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I move to lay the appeal on the table.

The motion was agreed to; and the appeal was laid on the table.

REFERENCE OF PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Mr. STEVENS, by unanimous consent, submitted the following resolutions:

1. Resolved, That so much of the special message of the President of the United States to the two Houses of Congress at the present session as relates to our foreign affairs, together with accompanying correspondence in relation thereto, be referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 2. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to the finances; to the deficiencies in the appropriations for the year ending 30th June, 1862; to the deficiencies in the revenue; to the receipts into the Treasury, and public expenditures; to the provision of additional revenue by an increase of the present duties on imports, by loan, excise, and internal taxation, and the providing of the necessary ways and means for carrying on the Government in the present exigencies, be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means.

3. Resolved, That so much of said message and accom

and resolutions:

Whereas a fierce and unnatural civil war is now raging between the Government of the United States and a portion of our misguided countrymen, convulsing the whole land; and it being important to cultivate and maintain a fraternal feeling between the citizens of the several States still loyal to the Constitution and the Union, in order to strengthen the arm of the Executive of the nation: Therefore,

Be it resolved, That we, the Representatives of the ThirtySeventh Congress, in view of the distracted state of our beloved country, and in order to secure harmonious action, and believing the Constitution and the Union to be considerations far above party ties and affiliations, solemnly ignore, during the impending war, all political differences heretofore existing between the people of the loyal States of this Union.

to the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus; to the armed neutrality of certain States; to the legal questions relating to the rebellions acts of citizens in the southern States, and to the power to enter therein with military forces to protect the loyal citizens of said States, be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.

4. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to the Army of the United States, to the increase thereof, and to the establishment and improvement of military posts, be referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

5. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to the Navy of the United States and the increase thereof, to provision for the profection of American merchant vessels, their crews and cargoes, against lawless seizure by privateers from southern ports in rebellion against the Government, be referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

6. Resolved, That so much of the message and accompanying documents as relates to the District of Columbia be referred to the Committee for the District of Columbia.

7. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to the Post Office Department, its operation and condition and cost of transportation, be referred to the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads.

8. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to the public domain be referred to the Committee on Public Lands.

9. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to our intercourse with Indian tribes be referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs.

10. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to expenditures in connection with the State Department be referred to the Committee on Expenditures in the State Department.

11. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to expenditures in connection with the Treasury Department be referred to the Committee on Expenditures in the Treasury Department.

12. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to expenditures in connection with the War Department be referred to the Committee on Expenditures in the War Department.

13. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to expenditures in connection with the Navy Department be referred to the Committee on Expenditures in the Navy Department.

14. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to expenditures in connection with the Post Office Department be referred to the Committee on Expenditures in the Post Office Department.

15. Resolved, That so much of said message and accompanying documents as relates to the expenditures in connection with the Department of the Interior, to the expenditures generally, and to a retrenchment of the same, be referred to the Committee on Public Expenditures.

The SPEAKER stated the question to be on referring the resolutions to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

Mr. STEVENS. I hope the House will dispense with the reference, and pass the resolutions. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. Is debate in order upon the resolutions?

The SPEAKER. The Chair thinks if debate is proposed, the resolutions must go over.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I understand the question to be on the reference of the President's message. The practice has usually been to allow debate upon that question.

The SPEAKER. If the resolutions were debatable, the usual parliamentary courtesy would give the floor to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. STEVENS.]

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. Certainly; but the gentleman from Pennsylvania did obtain the floor, and expressed the wish that the resolutions should be adopted, and resumed his seat. In the mean time I claimed the floor, and was assigned it by the Chair.

The SPEAKER. The Chair will hold the first reading of resolutions, when they can only be received by unanimous consent, to be for information only. The Chair, in this instance, neglected to ask if there was objection; and if there be objection at this time he will hold that the resolutions cannot be received.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I do not rise to object. On the contrary, I desire that the resolutions may be adopted; but I wish to submit some observations upon them.

The SPEAKER. The Chair would regard debate as equivalent to an objection in the present instance.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I do not object. The SPEAKER. Is there any objection to the resolutions? If there be no objection, then the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. STEVENS] is entitled to the floor.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. The Chair rose and stated the question upon the adoption of the resolutions, which are themselves debatable. I have claimed the floor, have been assigned it by the Chair, and propose to debate the resolutions.

The SPEAKER. The Chair has just stated that it was through inadvertence that he omitted to put the question, whether there was objection to the reception of the resolutions.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. And I have stated that I make no objection in the world, but desire to debate them.

Mr. RICHARDSON. The resolutions relate, as I understand them, to the organization of the House, and it is perfectly competent for the Chair to entertain them. Whether they are debatable or not, is, howeyer, for the Chair to determine.

The SPEAKER. The Chair will read the rule under which the House is proceeding with its business to-day:

"All the States and Territories shall be called for reso

lutions on each alternate Monday during each session of Congress; and, if necessary to secure this object on said days, all resolutions which shall give rise to debate shall lie over for discussion, under the rules of the House already established; and the whole of said days shall be appropriated to resolutions, until all the States and Territories are called through."

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I understand that has been done already.

The SPEAKER. The call of the States for resolutions has not been gone through with. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. Was the State of Pennsylvania being called when those resolutions were offered?

The SPEAKER. The State of Illinois was being called.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. Then the resolutions come up by unanimous consent, and I claim the floor to debate them.

The SPEAKER. The Chair will decide that, until the call has been gone through with, any resolution introduced by unanimous consent must go over if debated.

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. Perhaps this matter can be accommodated. I desire to ask the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means if he proposes to allow debate upon the President's message in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union?

The SPEAKER. Debate is not in order except by unanimous consent.

Mr. LOVEJOY. I object. Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. The Chair will recollect that it has always been customary to allow debate upon the resolutions referring the President's message.

Mr. LOVEJOY. I object to debate.

The SPEAKER. During the call of the States for resolutions, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. STEVENS] offered a series of resolutions for the reference of the President's annual message. If they give rise to debate, the Chair holds that they must go over. From that decision the gentleman from Ohio takes an appeal. The question now is, "Shall the decision of the Chair stand as the judgment of the House?".

Mr. VALLANDIGHAM. I will not insist on the appeal, because I desire to present no unreasonable opposition, but simply to exercise my rights as a Representative.

Mr. STEVENS. I withdraw the resolutions. I do not want discussion.

Mr. WASHBURNE. I renew the resolutions, and call for the previous question.

The previous question was seconded, and the main question was ordered; and under the operation thereof the resolutions were adopted.

Mr. WASHBURNE moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolutions were adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

NEBRASKA CONTESTED-ELECTION CASE.

completing the defensive works upon the south side of the Potomac, near this city; and also to report upon the expediency of constructing similar works of defense upon the northern side of this city, with estimates for the same, so as to reduce the minimum number of troops required for the protection and defense of the capital.

The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered.

Mr. RICHARDSON moved that the resolution be laid upon the table.

The question was taken; and the motion was disagreed to.

The resolution was adopted.

Mr. TROWBRIDGE moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

PENSIONERS OF THE UNITED STATES.

Mr. CURTIS. I offer the following joint reslution.

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, &c., That the Commissioner of Pensions be, and he is hereby, directed to strike from the pension rolls all pensioners in rebellion against the United States; and also all pensioners aiding or abetting secession or rebellion; that before payment of pensions to persons resident in States that have passed an ordinance of secession, or in States where the executive has refused to furnish military force to sustain the Government at the present crisis of our country, the applicant shall swear allegiance to the United States, and further that he has not engaged in secession or revolution, does not approve of either, and will not participate or give aid or countenance to secession or revolution.

Mr. BURNETT. Is not that resolution obnoxious to the restriction of the rule adopted this morning on motion of the gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. HOLMAN?] I make the point that the resolution is not in order.

The SPEAKER. The Chair sustains the point of order.

SECESSIONISTS IN OFFICE.

Mr. POTTER offered the following resolution; which was read, considered, and agreed to:

Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed by the Speaker to ascertain and report to this House the number of persons, with the names thereof, now employed in the several Departments of the Government, who are known to entertain sentiments of hostility to the Government of the United States, and those who have refused to take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States; and that said committee be authorized to send for persons and papers.

Mr. VANDEVER moved to reconsider the vote by which the resolution was adopted; and also moved that the motion to reconsider be laid

upon the table.

The latter motion was agreed to.

APPORTIONMENT OF MEMBERS.

The SPEAKER laid before the House, by unanimous consent, a communication from the Department of the Interior, transmitting the apportionment among the States of members of the House of Representatives under the eighth census; which was laid upon the table, and ordered to be And then, on motion of Mr. OLIN, the House (at three o'clock) adjourned.

resolution:

Resolved, That the papers in the case of the contested clection from the Territory of Nebraska be referred to the Committee of Elections, and that they be authorized to investigate and report upon the same without regard to any notice, or anything of that kind.

Mr. DAWES. I move to amend the resolution so that it will include the papers in all the other contested-election cases now upon the Speaker's table.

Mr. RICHARDSON. I accept the amendment as a modification of my resolution.

The resolution, as modified, was then adopted. Mr. FOUKE. I again offer my resolutions. The resolution of the gentleman from Indiana does not exclude resolutions in reference to the war now existing.

The SPEAKER. Debate is not in order. Mr. FOUKE. I again offer my resolutions. The SPEAKER. The Chair has decided them to be out of order. It is now too late to make the point, the gentleman having failed to take an appeal,

DEFENSES OF WASHINGTON.

Mr. TROWBRIDGE. I offer the following resadoption: olution, and demand the previous question on its

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be requested to furnish to this House, as soon as practicable, plans and estimates, to be prepared by the engineer department, for

IN SENATE.

TUESDAY, July 9, 1861.

Prayer by Rev. BYRON SUNDERLAND, D. D. The Journal of yesterday was read and approved. Hon. HENRY M. RICE, of Minnesota, appeared in his seat to-day.

THE NAVAL ACADEMY.

Mr. TEN EYCK. I ask leave to present the petition of the mayor and collector of the city of Perth Amboy, and the commissioners of pilotage of the State of New Jersey, of Peter D. Vroom, Theodore Frelinghuysen, Joseph C. Hornblower, and other eminent citizens of the State of New Jersey, praying Congress, in case it shall be deemed expedient to remove the United States Naval Academy permanently from Annapolis, to establish it at the city of Perth Amboy, in the State of New Jersey. As the petition is voluminous, I will not ask to have it read, or read it myself. I beg leave simply to state very concisely that this place is considered to be eminently fitted for the site of the Naval Academy. It is perhaps the most eligible position on the seaboard, more readily accessible from the west and the north and the south than any other place upon

the sea-board. Proximity to New York and Philadelphia, with access thereto two or three times a day; nearness to the navy-yard at Brooklyn, where every material can be obtained for the purpose of such an Academy; the situation, with the Raritan river and bay on one side, and Prince's bay and Staten Island sound upon the other-a fine bay for the opportunity of naval evolutions; its nearness to the ocean, only some eleven miles from it, and yet protected from it; the harbor being equal in depth of water to the harbor of New York; the climate delightful in summer, not so rigorous as other situations upon the coast north of it in winter; the harbor always free from ice; render this, in the judgment of the petitioners, a most desirable situation. I ask that the petition be received, and referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs.

passed through. It is very important that it should be done immediately.

councils of the nation, as a Representative in the other branch of Congress; in 1843.

He was three times elected by the people to the House of Representatives, and thrice by the Legislature of his State to a seat in this body, and was continuously a member of one House or the other, from his first entry, in 1843, till his death, four years of his last senatorial term still remain

The bill was reported to the Senate without amendment.

The VICE PRESIDENT. The Senator from Maine asks a suspension of the rules of the Senate, for the purpose of ordering this bill to be engrossed for a third reading. The Chair hears no objection.

no

The bill was read the third time, and passed.

EXECUTIVE CLERK.

Mr. HALE. I have a resolution to offer; and if there be no objection, I should like to have it considered now:

Resolved, That De Witt C. Clarke be, and he is hereby, appointed principal executive clerk of the Senate, in the place of J. H. Nicholson, resigned.

The resolution was considered, by unanimous consent, and agreed to.

Mr. FESSENDEN. I wish to suggest the propriety of laying all petitions in relation to matters not immediately pressing, upon the table for the present, and not referring any of them. It is a very general opinion, I believe, that we ought to make this session as short as possible, and confine our action to those matters for which we were particularly called together. If we begin by referring this petition, others will be presented, and we shall have an accumulation of business such as we do not intend to act upon at the present session. I would suggest to my friend from New Jersey, therefore, whether it would not be advisable to let this petition lie on the table until we decide what kind of business we shall attend to? Mr. TEN EYCK. Nothing could accord more clearly with my own views than the suggestion of the Senator from Maine. If I could have my way, there should be no business done at this session of Congress but that which is strictly cognate to the call. If it were possible, I should like this Congress to pass all the necessary acts in forty-ed me to report it back with an amendment, eight hours, and adjourn without expressing a single sentiment other than was contained on the face of the bills. I thought, however, that this petition, as it was somewhat appropriate to the matters in hand, might safely be referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs, and they might make some recommendation for the appointment of a commission to act in the recess with regard to this

matter.

Mr. HALE. I accord with what the Senator from Maine has said; but I want to suggest to the Senate that, as a great many resignations have taken place from the Naval School, and a necessity exists for an increase of the Navy, it may be necessary at this time to take some measures in regard to the reorganization of the Naval School, and finding it "a local habitation and a

name.

Mr. FESSENDEN. My suggestion was simply that it be laid on the table for the present, until we had an opportunity to consult and see what course was best to take.

Mr. HALE. Very well.

Mr. FESSENDEŇ. It was a mere temporary matter. I will make the motion.

The VICE PRESIDENT. It is moved that this petition lie on the table.

The motion was agreed to.

DUTIES ON ARMS.

Mr. KING. I desire to present a petition from a committee of the military board of State officers of the State of New York, who have sent an agent abroad to purchase arms for the use of the volunteers and militia of that State in the service of the United States, asking that the duties which they have paid upon some that have come in may be remitted. I move to refer it to the Committee on Finance.

Mr. FESSENDEN. Let it be laid on the table, as I have a bill on the subject to report.

Mr. KING. The chairman of the Committee on Finance tells us that he has a bill for the purpose; therefore I will let the petition lie on the table.

The petition was ordered to lie on the table.

Mr. FESSENDEN. Yesterday there was referred to the Committee on Finance a joint resolution (S. No. 2) to remit the duties on certain arms imported into the United States. The committee have now instructed me to report a bill for that purpose. It is short, and I presume there is no objection in any quarter to it, and I ask that it may be read, the rules suspended, and the bill

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE.

Mr. WILSON. The Committee on Military Affairs and the Militia, to whom was referred the bill (S. No. 2) to increase the present military establishment of the United States, have direct

striking out the fifth section of the bill, which authorizes the President, if, in his opinion, the public service requires it, to enlarge the old regiments to the size of the regiments ordered by this bill.

DEATH OF MR. DOUGLAS. Mr.TRUMBULL. Mr. President, at the close of the last day in the month of May, 1861, on entering the city of Chicago after a brief visit to this place, I was informed by a friend who met me at the depot, that my colleague in this body, Hon. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, was dying, and would not probably survive an hour. As I approached the Tremont House in which he lay, I found the side-walks and the vestibule of the hotel thronged with people anxiously inquiring after the condition of the dying man. The next morning it was some relief to know that he was still alive, though it was said with little hope of a recovery. He continued in this condition the whole of that day and the next, when the public began to entertain expectations of his restoration to health. The fears and hopes of the immediate attendants, friends, and relatives, who watched over him during those awful hours of suspense, and till nine o'clock on the morning of the 3d day of June, when he expired, I have no disposition, had I the power, to portray. The solemn duty of announcing my late colleague's decease imposes upon me no such obligation; and God grant that the wounds then inflicted may not be opened afresh.

Mr. DOUGLAS was born at Brandon, Vermont, April 23, 1813, being but forty-eight years of age at the time of his decease. He was descended from Puritan ancestors by both his parents. Of one-his father-he was bereft in infancy. His mother still survives. After acquiring such an education as could be obtained at the common school and the academy, not having the means to perfect it by a collegiate course, at the early age of twenty he emigrated to the State of Illinois, where he taught school for a short time, and, in 1834, was admitted to the bar to practice law. In 1835, he was made State's attorney; and from that day till the day of his death was almost constantly engaged in the public service of either the State or the nation. He held the offices of State's attorney, representative in the Legislature, secretary of State, and justice of the supreme court in the State of Illinois, and also that of register of the land office at Springfield, in that State, by appointment from Mr. Van Buren, before he entered the

pears that Judge DOUGLAS devoted more than half his life, and all the years of his manhood, to the public service; and so prominent was the part he took in public affairs, so intimate the connection between his own rise and fame, and the progress and renown of his State and the nation, that the history of the one would be incomplete without that of the other. No great public movement has taken place since he entered public life which has not felt the influence of his will and his intellect; perhaps no one man, since the Government began, ever exercised a greater influence over the masses of the people than he. No one ever gathered around him more devoted followers or more enthusiastic admirers, who were willing to do and dare more for another, than were his friends for him.

What this charm was which so linked the popular heart to him that it never faltered even under circumstances apparently the most discouraging, seems almost mysterious. This feeling of attachment followed him to the grave, and was never more manifest than after his decease, when he had become alike indifferent to the adulation of friends or the censure of enemies, and when his power had forever departed either to reward the one or punish the other. It was then, if ever, as his body lay lifeless in the city of Chicago, that the true feeling of a people would manifest itself; and it did manifest itself, not only there, but throughout the nation, to an extent scarcely, if ever, witnessed since the death of the Father of his Country. The badges of mourning were seen displayed not only from the public buildings and the mansions of the rich, but the cottages of the poor, the carts of the workmen, and the implements of the laborer, were every where to be seen draped with the habiliments of woe, all the more touching as they were simple and plain. The people's favorite in life, he was followed by their lamentations in death.

But Judge DOUGLAS possessed not only the power of fascinating the masses; he was a marked man wherever he went and with whomsoever he associated. No matter whether as a lawyer at the bar; as a judge on the bench; at an agricultural society, where the skilled in mechanic and industrial pursuits were assembled; at some college commencement, where the learned were convened; in the other House of Congress, in the midst of the tumult and commotion of its most excited debates; in this more deliberative body, or before the popular assembly of the people; wherever he appeared he always shone conspicuous. He was one of the few men who have proved themselves equal to every emergency in which they have been called upon to act. I remember well when he was transferred from the House of Representatives to the Senate, his enemies predicted and his friends feared that his talents were not fitted for this body, and that he would be unable to sustain the reputation he had acquired in the more popular branch. He entered here when the great men whose talents and learning and eloquence have shed an undying luster on the American Senate when Clay, Webster, Benton, and Calhoun, in the vigor of manhood, full of wisdom and experience, were still here, and proved himself no mean compeer of either. His speech of 1850, wherein he met and refuted the positions of the great Carolinian, upon the very points which have been made the pretexts of the southern rebellion, was perhaps the greatest effort of his life.

The distinguishing characteristics of Judge DOUGLAS, which enabled him to cope successfully with the greatest intellects of the age, were fearlessness, quickness of apprehension, a strong will, and indomitable energy. He knew no such word as fail. He had full confidence in himself, and of his ability to accomplish whatever he undertook. In controversy he was unsurpassed; and without pretension either to accomplished scholarship or eloquence, there was a fullness in his voice, an earnestness in his manner, a directness in his argument, and a determination in his every look

and action, which never failed to command attention; and, often electrifying the multitude, would elicit unbounded applause. This crowded Chamber has often been witness of the delight with which the multitude hung upon his words.

Of the political course of Judge DOUGLAS, and its effect on the country, it does not become me to speak; but I may be permitted to say that, when a portion of the Opposition to the Administration assumed the position of armed resistance to its authority, and attempted by force to dismember the Republic, he at once took sides with his country. His course had much to do in producing that unanimity in support of the Government which is now seen throughout the loyal States. The sublime spectacle of twenty million people rising as one man in vindication of constitutional liberty and free government, when assailed by misguided rebels and plotting traitors, is, to a considerable extent, due to his efforts. His magnanimous and patriotic course in this trying hour of his country's destiny was the crowning act of his life. All his life long a devoted partisan of the Democratic faith, he did not hesitate, when his country was in peril chiefly from those who had formerly been his political associates, to give his powerful support and the aid of his great influence to the Government, though controlled by political adversaries. If, in thus discharging his duty, Judge DOUGLAS manifested a disinterestedness, a magnanimity, and a patriotism, which entitle him to credit, it is but just to say that he was met by his political opponents in a similar spirit. Perhaps the highest compliment ever paid him, and one which few statesmen have ever received, was that extended to him by the Legislature of Illinois, on his return to the State after the close of the last session of the Senate. That body, controlled in both its branches by his political adversaries, unanimously invited him to address them on the condition of the country; and nobly did he respond to the invitation. His address delivered on that occasion, which, by order of the Legislature, was extensively circulated through the State, will ever remain an enduring monument to his fame, and an example worthy of

all imitation of the sacrifice of pride to principle, of self to country, and of party to patriotism.

In social life, Judge DOUGLAS was genial and attractive. Open, frank, and generous almost to a fault, he never failed to exercise a large influence over all with whom he came in contact; and few men have ever had more numerous or more devoted personal friends.

Such were some of the characteristics of our departed brother. Inheriting neither wealth nor position from an illustrious ancestry, he acquired both by the active, energetic, laborious, and neverceasing use of those noble faculties with which he was endowed by the Great Author of all; and if the wealth he at one time possessed does not remain to those who were dependent on him, it is because the energies of his great mind were devoted rather to the country and to the whole people, than to providing for his own. Laboring under the defects of an imperfect education in early life, his industry and his energy supplied the want. He was emphatically a self-made man, and the history of his life affords a striking illustration of what industry and energy, united with a strong will, can accomplish.

But that iron will, which had so often met and overcome obstacles, was compelled to yield at last to the King of Terrors; for it is appointed unto men once to die. Only a few months ago, Judge DOUGLAS, in vigorous health, went forth from this Chamber to rally his countrymen to the support of the Constitution and the laws, and then to die; to die at the very zenith of his fame, when a whole loyal people, forgetting past political ties, stood ready to do him honor. His death, in the full vigor of manhood, should admonish us who are left that here we have no abiding place-it may be not even for the brief periods for which we are chosen members of this body.

Mr. DOUGLAS was not a professor of religion in the sense of being attached to any particular Church; but in his will, executed several years before his decease, after providing for his worldly affairs, he says: "I commit my soul to God, and ask the prayers of the good for His divine blessing;" thus leaving on record the evidence of his trust in the Supreme Ruler of the world. He leaves surviving him a widow, and two children

by a former marriage. Into the domestic circle broken by his departure I do not propose to enter, nor to attempt by any poor words of mine to administer consolation to those who were bound to him by the closest of ties. How unutterable must be the anguish of the aged mother, the sister, the children, and the bosom companion of him whose departure has clothed a whole nation in mourning! I can only point them to Him who has promised to be a father to the fatherless, and the widow's God.

On the 17th day of June last, all that remained of our departed.brother was interred near the city of Chicago, on the shore of Lake Michigan, whose pure waters, often lashed into fury by contending elements, are a fitting memento of the stormy and boisterous political tumults through which the great popular orator so often passed. There the people, whose idol he was, will erect a monument to his memory; and there, in the soil of the State which so long without interruption, and never to a greater extent than at the moment of his death, gave him her confidence, let his remains repose, so long as free Governments shall last, and the Constitution he loved shall endure.

I offer the following resolutions:

Resolved, That the members of the Senate, from a sincere desire of showing every mark of respect due to the memory of Hon. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, deceased, late a Senator from the State of Illinois, will go into mourning by wearing crape on the left arm for thirty days. Resolved unanimously, That, as an additional mark of respect for the memory of Hou. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, the Senate do now adjourn.

Ordered, That the Secretary communicate these resolutions to the House of Representatives.

Mr. McDOUGALL. Mr. President, I received the first intelligence of the decease of the late Senator from Illinois as the pilot came on board our ship on my recent arrival off the harbor of New York. The universal and solemn exhibition of the profoundest sorrow on the part of all the companions of my voyage, embracing men of all classes, all opinions, and all sections, fully showed that the dead Senator had filled a large place in the heart of the American people. All seemed deeply to feel that another of our great men, one

of those who had most and best illustrated our companionship of his fathers-gone too, at a republican institutions, had left us forever for the time when his great qualities for counsel and conduct were most needed by his country.

But as, powerless for the moment to resist the tide of emotions, I bowed my head in silent grief, it came to me that the Senator had lived to wit ness the opening of the present unholy war upon capitol of his State, as his highest and best posi our Government; that witnessing it, from the tion, he had sent forth a war cry worthy of that Douglass, who, as ancient legends tell, with the welcome of the knightly Andalusian King, was told:

"Take thou the leading of the van,
And charge the Moors amain;
There is not such a lance as thine
In all the hosts of Spain."

Those trumpet notes with a continuous swell are sounding still throughout all the borders of our land. I heard them upon the mountains and in the valleys of the far State whence I come. They have communicated faith and strength to millions.

He lived to witness his great appeal to a nation of freemen answered by unnumbered legions of patriotic men, and to feel and understand, with a confident assurance, that the mad assault made by misguided men upon the integrity of our Union, instead of resulting in disunion and anarchy, would establish our institutions upon deeper and firmer foundations, and leave a certain guarantee of peace, liberty, and unity, to our children and children's children to remote generations. He lived to have, by the majesty and power of his last great effort, risen above the reach of malice or detraction, and to have secured for his memory the love and admiration of all men who love freedom, here, everywhere, and forever. I ceased to grieve for DOUGLAS. The last voice of the dead DOUGLAS I felt to be stronger than the voice of multitudes of living men.

While paying the tribute of my respect to the memory of Mr. DOUGLAS, I prefer speaking simply of the man as I knew him. The record of his public life is a part of the written history of our country.

It is now twenty-four years since I first met Mr. DOUGLAS; he then a young lawyer of established reputation for ability; I about attempting success in the same profession. Of the same political opinions, engaged in the same pursuits, and of similar social relations, from the first we became friends. It is to me a matter of sincere satisfaction, that I am able to reflect that that friendship continued without a single interruption for near a quarter of a century, and until the Great Ruler severed it, to be renewed, I trust, in the land of spirits.

At a very early period Mr. DouGLAS turned his attention to public affairs, and I soon learned to place great reliance upon his sagacity and judgment. As years passed by, that confidence increased; and if among the men I have known in public life I have trusted him most, I can at the same time say I knew him best.

That he possessed commanding talents is now everywhere admitted. In my judgment, he was in his time the greatest living master of forensic discourse. Scorning ornament, simple, vigorous, and correct in language and in manner, he was a powerful as well as just reasoner, from the very necessities of his intellectual and moral organization. He possessed a true, as well as a large and powerful mind.

His enemies have charged him with ambitionwith excess of ambition. He was ambitious; but it was a great and a just ambition. He was ambitious in this, that he loved to engage in and to achieve great enterprises. If he aspired to places of power, the position of power was never the goal with him. He sought power that he might accomplish great things for his country and his age.

The architect of his own fortunes, as well as the architect of his own opinions, the surroundings and discipline of his early life, together with his naturally bold and self-reliant character, gave to him progressive rather than conservative proclivities, and led him, from the outstart of life, to espouse the opinions and policies of that great Democratic party, in the councils and movements of which he ever afterward acted so large a part.

His promptness in judgment, and boldness and energy in conduct, would have made him a leader of men in any age or nation; and while he possessed the promptitude and courage of a great leader, he united with it a capacity for counsel equal to his capacity for action.

Considered opinion will, I have no doubt, yield to him a place second to that of no man of his immediate time.

The great feature of the public policies of Mr. DOUGLAS is to be found in his devotion to the organization and development of the States and Ter

ritories of the West-that great country which,

by its marvelous progress, has given the best assurance of the vital power of our Republic. Indeed, from the period when as a youth he stood on the green hills of his native Vermont, it would seem as if, obedient to some rudimental law related to the motion of the sun in heaven, or the earth upon its axis, his look was westward; and, although he knew nothing of the fabled islands of the western sea, which ancient songs and golden sunsets gilded, he saw, in the new land yet unconquered from the wilderness, the theater in which to realize his young hopes and indulge the aspirations of his young ambition. During all his life his earnest eye was on the great West; while others of our statesmen knew more of the intrigues of the Courts of Europe than of the important interests springing up beyond the Alleghanies. To those interests, their comprehension, and advancement, he devoted himself with an unwavering zeal. Nor were his labors and interests confined by the valley of the Illinois, or the great basin of the Mississippi. I have known no man in public or private life who was so thoroughly conversant with or who interested himself so much in our possessions on the Pacific. He was the first person within my knowledge to earnestly advocate the construction of a railway from the Mississippi river to the bay of San Francisco. This was a favorite enterprise with him years before we had acquired California from Mexico.

But the relations of Mr. DOUGLAS to the States and Territories of the West, his labors for their material and political interest, are part of the history of the country. On the shores of the Pacific the intelligence of his decease will put a whole people in mourning.