The Political Debates Between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the Senatorial Campaign of 1858 in Illinois: Together with Certain Preceding Speeches of Each at Chicago, Springfield, Etc |
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Page 5
... stitution was or was not in any just sense made by the people of Kansas ; and in that quarrel the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people , and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up . I do ...
... stitution was or was not in any just sense made by the people of Kansas ; and in that quarrel the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people , and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up . I do ...
Page 9
... stitution . " Why mention a State ? They were legislating for Territories , and not for or about States . Certainly the people of a State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the United States ; but why is mention of this ...
... stitution . " Why mention a State ? They were legislating for Territories , and not for or about States . Certainly the people of a State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the United States ; but why is mention of this ...
Page 31
... stitution which says that citizens of one State shall enjoy all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States ; in other words , he thinks it wrong because it deprives the negro of the privileges , immunities , and ...
... stitution which says that citizens of one State shall enjoy all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States ; in other words , he thinks it wrong because it deprives the negro of the privileges , immunities , and ...
Page 32
... stitution that a negro may vote , provided that he own $ 250 worth of property , but not otherwise . The rich negro can vote , but the poor one cannot . Although that distinction does not commend itself to my judgment , yet I assert ...
... stitution that a negro may vote , provided that he own $ 250 worth of property , but not otherwise . The rich negro can vote , but the poor one cannot . Although that distinction does not commend itself to my judgment , yet I assert ...
Page 43
... stitution , they may say they will not have slavery . But it is there ; they are obliged to tolerate it some way , and all experience shows it will be so , for they will not take the negro slaves and absolutely deprive the owners of ...
... stitution , they may say they will not have slavery . But it is there ; they are obliged to tolerate it some way , and all experience shows it will be so , for they will not take the negro slaves and absolutely deprive the owners of ...
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Common terms and phrases
Abolition Abolitionism Abolitionists admission adopted amendment answer believe Black Republican Buchanan charge Chicago citizen clause Clay Compromise measures Congress Convention course of ultimate decide Declaration of Independence Democratic party deny doctrine domestic institutions Douglas's Dred Scott decision election exclude slavery exist fact fathers favor forgery form a constitution friends Fugitive Slave law hold Illinois indorsed institution of slavery interrogatories Judge Douglas Judge Trumbull Kansas Kentucky Lecompton Constitution legislation Legislature Lincoln ment Missouri Missouri Compromise nation Nebraska Bill negro never North opinion opposed passed platform pledged political popular sovereignty President principle prohibit proposition race regard Republican party resolutions slaveholding slavery question South speech Springfield stand stitution submitted suppose Supreme Court tell Territory thing tion to-day Toombs bill Trumbull's ultimate extinction United States Senate vote Whig party wish wrong
Popular passages
Page 181 - Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.
Page 206 - Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void : it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States...
Page 306 - A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push...
Page 34 - In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other.
Page 142 - I hold that notwithstanding all this there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.
Page 236 - We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. " A house divided against itself cannot stand.
Page 252 - They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time ; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings.
Page 227 - This they said and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth, that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
Page 142 - But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man.
Page 113 - Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, upon a different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution.