The Political Debates Between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the Senatorial Campaign of 1858 in Illinois: Together with Certain Preceding Speeches of Each at Chicago, Springfield, Etc |
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Page 24
... propositions which I shall notice , and upon which I shall take a direct and bold issue with him . His first and main proposition I will give in his own language , Scripture quotations and all [ laugh- ter ] ; I give his exact language ...
... propositions which I shall notice , and upon which I shall take a direct and bold issue with him . His first and main proposition I will give in his own language , Scripture quotations and all [ laugh- ter ] ; I give his exact language ...
Page 28
... proposition discussed by Mr. Lincoln in his speech consists in a crusade against the Supreme Court of the United States on account of the Dred Scott decision . On this question also I desire to say to you unequivocally that I take ...
... proposition discussed by Mr. Lincoln in his speech consists in a crusade against the Supreme Court of the United States on account of the Dred Scott decision . On this question also I desire to say to you unequivocally that I take ...
Page 30
... proposition was made when I was judge of the Supreme Court . Be that as it may , I do not think that fact adds any greater weight or authority to the suggestion . It matters not with me who was on the bench , whether Mr. Lincoln or ...
... proposition was made when I was judge of the Supreme Court . Be that as it may , I do not think that fact adds any greater weight or authority to the suggestion . It matters not with me who was on the bench , whether Mr. Lincoln or ...
Page 35
... propositions which I intend to discuss before the people of Illinois during the pending campaign . I have spoken without preparation and in a very desultory manner , and may have omitted some points which I desired to discuss , and may ...
... propositions which I intend to discuss before the people of Illinois during the pending campaign . I have spoken without preparation and in a very desultory manner , and may have omitted some points which I desired to discuss , and may ...
Page 46
... proposition another way . The Republicans could not have done it without Judge Douglas . Could he have done it without them ? Which could have come the nearest to doing it without the other ? A voice : Who killed the bill ? Another ...
... proposition another way . The Republicans could not have done it without Judge Douglas . Could he have done it without them ? Which could have come the nearest to doing it without the other ? A voice : Who killed the bill ? Another ...
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Common terms and phrases
Abolition Abolitionism Abolitionists admission adopted amendment answer believe Black Republican Buchanan charge Chicago citizen clause Clay Compromise measures Congress Convention course of ultimate decide Declaration of Independence Democratic party deny doctrine domestic institutions Douglas's Dred Scott decision election exclude slavery exist fact fathers favor forgery form a constitution friends Fugitive Slave law hold Illinois indorsed institution of slavery interrogatories Judge Douglas Judge Trumbull Kansas Kentucky Lecompton Constitution legislation Legislature Lincoln ment Missouri Missouri Compromise nation Nebraska Bill negro never North opinion opposed passed platform pledged political popular sovereignty President principle prohibit proposition race regard Republican party resolutions slaveholding slavery question South speech Springfield stand stitution submitted suppose Supreme Court tell Territory thing tion to-day Toombs bill Trumbull's ultimate extinction United States Senate vote Whig party wish wrong
Popular passages
Page 181 - Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.
Page 206 - Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void : it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States...
Page 306 - A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push...
Page 34 - In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other.
Page 142 - I hold that notwithstanding all this there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.
Page 236 - We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. " A house divided against itself cannot stand.
Page 252 - They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time ; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings.
Page 227 - This they said and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth, that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
Page 142 - But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man.
Page 113 - Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, upon a different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution.