The Political Debates Between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the Senatorial Campaign of 1858 in Illinois: Together with Certain Preceding Speeches of Each at Chicago, Springfield, Etc |
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Page xi
... never came to Lincoln requirement to say to his correspondent , " Burn this letter . " In 1856 , the Supreme Court , under the headship of Judge Taney , gave out the decision in the Dred Scott case . The purport of this decision was ...
... never came to Lincoln requirement to say to his correspondent , " Burn this letter . " In 1856 , the Supreme Court , under the headship of Judge Taney , gave out the decision in the Dred Scott case . The purport of this decision was ...
Page 6
... never differed . The several points of the Dred Scott decision , in connection with Senator Douglas's " care not " policy , constitute the piece of machinery , in its present state of advancement . This was the third point gained . The ...
... never differed . The several points of the Dred Scott decision , in connection with Senator Douglas's " care not " policy , constitute the piece of machinery , in its present state of advancement . This was the third point gained . The ...
Page 25
... never contemplated uniformity in its internal concerns . The fathers of the Revolution and the sages who made the Constitution well understood that the laws and domestic institutions which would suit the granite hills of New Hampshire ...
... never contemplated uniformity in its internal concerns . The fathers of the Revolution and the sages who made the Constitution well understood that the laws and domestic institutions which would suit the granite hills of New Hampshire ...
Page 44
... never heard of even John Calhoun saying such a thing . He insisted on the same principle as Judge Douglas ; but his mode of applying it , in fact , was wrong . It is enough for my purpose to ask this crowd whenever a Republican said ...
... never heard of even John Calhoun saying such a thing . He insisted on the same principle as Judge Douglas ; but his mode of applying it , in fact , was wrong . It is enough for my purpose to ask this crowd whenever a Republican said ...
Page 51
... never have ) , I now correct it . So much , then , for the inference that Judge Douglas draws , that I am in favor of setting the sections at war with one another . I know that I never meant any such thing , and I believe that no fair ...
... never have ) , I now correct it . So much , then , for the inference that Judge Douglas draws , that I am in favor of setting the sections at war with one another . I know that I never meant any such thing , and I believe that no fair ...
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Abolition Abolitionism Abolitionists admission adopted amendment answer believe Black Republican Buchanan charge Chicago citizen clause Clay Compromise measures Congress Convention course of ultimate decide Declaration of Independence Democratic party deny doctrine domestic institutions Douglas's Dred Scott decision election exclude slavery exist fact fathers favor forgery form a constitution friends Fugitive Slave law hold Illinois indorsed institution of slavery interrogatories Judge Douglas Judge Trumbull Kansas Kentucky Lecompton Constitution legislation Legislature Lincoln ment Missouri Missouri Compromise nation Nebraska Bill negro never North opinion opposed passed platform pledged political popular sovereignty President principle prohibit proposition race regard Republican party resolutions slaveholding slavery question South speech Springfield stand stitution submitted suppose Supreme Court tell Territory thing tion to-day Toombs bill Trumbull's ultimate extinction United States Senate vote Whig party wish wrong
Popular passages
Page 181 - Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.
Page 206 - Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void : it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States...
Page 306 - A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push...
Page 34 - In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other.
Page 142 - I hold that notwithstanding all this there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.
Page 236 - We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. " A house divided against itself cannot stand.
Page 252 - They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time ; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings.
Page 227 - This they said and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth, that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
Page 142 - But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man.
Page 113 - Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, upon a different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution.