The Political Debates Between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas in the Senatorial Campaign of 1858 in Illinois: Together with Certain Preceding Speeches of Each at Chicago, Springfield, Etc |
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Page 24
... and he therefore invites all the non - slaveholding States to band together , organize as one body , and make war upon slavery in Kentucky , upon slavery in Virginia , upon the Carolinas , upon slavery in all 24 Lincoln and Douglas Debates.
... and he therefore invites all the non - slaveholding States to band together , organize as one body , and make war upon slavery in Kentucky , upon slavery in Virginia , upon the Carolinas , upon slavery in all 24 Lincoln and Douglas Debates.
Page 32
... Kentucky , Virginia , and other States have provided that negroes , or a certain class of them in those States , shall be slaves , having neither civil nor political rights . Without indorsing the wisdom of that decision , I assert that ...
... Kentucky , Virginia , and other States have provided that negroes , or a certain class of them in those States , shall be slaves , having neither civil nor political rights . Without indorsing the wisdom of that decision , I assert that ...
Page 70
... Kentucky do not like it , they need not come here to live under it . If the people of Indiana are not satisfied with it , what matters it to us ? We , and we alone , have the right to a voice in its adoption or rejection . Reasoning ...
... Kentucky do not like it , they need not come here to live under it . If the people of Indiana are not satisfied with it , what matters it to us ? We , and we alone , have the right to a voice in its adoption or rejection . Reasoning ...
Page 71
... Kentucky , to complain , whatever the decision of the people of Kansas may be upon that point . But while I was not content with the mode of sub- mission contained in the English bill , and while I could not sanction it for the reason ...
... Kentucky , to complain , whatever the decision of the people of Kansas may be upon that point . But while I was not content with the mode of sub- mission contained in the English bill , and while I could not sanction it for the reason ...
Page 73
... Kentucky's great and gallant statesman , John J. Crittenden . By his course upon this question he has shown him- self a worthy successor of the immortal Clay , and well may Kentucky be proud of him . I will not withhold , either , the ...
... Kentucky's great and gallant statesman , John J. Crittenden . By his course upon this question he has shown him- self a worthy successor of the immortal Clay , and well may Kentucky be proud of him . I will not withhold , either , the ...
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Abolition Abolitionism Abolitionists admission adopted amendment answer believe Black Republican Buchanan charge Chicago citizen clause Clay Compromise measures Congress Convention course of ultimate decide Declaration of Independence Democratic party deny doctrine domestic institutions Douglas's Dred Scott decision election exclude slavery exist fact fathers favor forgery form a constitution friends Fugitive Slave law hold Illinois indorsed institution of slavery interrogatories Judge Douglas Judge Trumbull Kansas Kentucky Lecompton Constitution legislation Legislature Lincoln ment Missouri Missouri Compromise nation Nebraska Bill negro never North opinion opposed passed platform pledged political popular sovereignty President principle prohibit proposition race regard Republican party resolutions slaveholding slavery question South speech Springfield stand stitution submitted suppose Supreme Court tell Territory thing tion to-day Toombs bill Trumbull's ultimate extinction United States Senate vote Whig party wish wrong
Popular passages
Page 181 - Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.
Page 206 - Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void : it being the true intent and meaning of this act, not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution of the United States...
Page 306 - A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push...
Page 34 - In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other.
Page 142 - I hold that notwithstanding all this there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence, — the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man.
Page 236 - We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. " A house divided against itself cannot stand.
Page 252 - They are the two principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time ; and will ever continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings.
Page 227 - This they said and this they meant. They did not mean to assert the obvious untruth, that all were then actually enjoying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it immediately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon. They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
Page 142 - But in the right to eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man.
Page 113 - Now, as we have already said in an earlier part of this opinion, upon a different point, the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly affirmed in the Constitution.