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war,

contest of parties turned, of course, upon the transactions of the than upon the conditions and results of a peace still unconquered.

rather

The written issues of the canvass were therefore little considered. The debates hung and dwelt upon the usurpations of the Executive, and the revolutionary spirit, policy, and purposes of the party in power. These being the subject of respective assault and defence, the array of parties remained as during the war; the Conservatives and Democrats on one side; the Radical and Administration Republicans, on the other. The prosecution and defence proceeded upon the indictment embodied in the fourth resolution of the Democratic platform, "that the administrative usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not granted by the Constitution; the subversion of the civil by military law in States not in insurrection; the arbitrary military arrests, imprisonment, trial and sentence of American citizens in States where civil law exists in full force; the suppression of freedom of speech and of the press; the denial of the right of asylum; the open and avowed disregard of State Rights; the employment of unusual test-oaths, and the interference with and denial of the right of the people to bear arms in their defence, are calculated to prevent a restoration of the Union, and the perpetuation of a government deriving its just powers from the consent of the governed."

The eloquence of the orators who made appeal against these high crimes, was worthy of the cause for which they stood. Some of the orations delivered on the inspiring theme equal, if they do not surpass, in power and pathos, any that were ever before delivered in vindication of human rights and in defence of constitutional liberty. No papers, in the political history of this country, exceed, in dignity of style, in power and cogency of argument, in thrilling interest of narration, in sternness of arraignment, in intensity of patriotic appeal and indignation, some of the papers that were put forth by the supporters of Gen. McClellan. But the weight of power and patronage proved sufficient to overbalance that of patriotism and reason.

It is not necessary to go further into the details of the canvass; and the reader will already anticipate its conclusion. The election of McClellan, of which there had been some probability in the midsummer of 1864, became impossible, in view of the rapid military successes of the North, which never failed to draw new adherents to Mr. Lincoln's Administration; illustrating how little there was of steadfast principle in party organizations in the North, and how much of political opposition gave way to the views of expediency and the persuasions of time-service. The "electoral necessity" at Washington for victories in the field was amply fulfilled. The canvass of 1864 concluded in the election of Abraham Lincoln by the vote of every Northern State, except Delaware, Kentucky, and New Jersey.

ANALYSIS OF THE PRESIDENTIAL VOTE OF 1864.

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But in the analysis of the popular vote there was yet some encouragement. It stood twenty-two hundred thousand for Mr. Lincoln, eighteen hundred thousand for Gen. McClellan. Although too small for victory, the conservative vote was much larger than had been expected by reflecting men, after the fall of Atlanta, the reverses of Hood, and the success of Sherman. Under all the adverse circumstances under which the vote was given, it was creditable to the party which made the contest, and encouraging for the cause of constitutional liberty. It was given just after decisive reverses had befallen the Confederate cause, in the moments of victory and exultation, at a time the most propitious that could have been chosen by the war party, and the most unpropitious conceivable for the peace party. The election had occurred just at the time when the idea prevailed that a popular vote in favour of the war party would fall as a finishing blow upon the already exhausted and prostrate Confederacy; and that a vote in favour of the peace party would cheer the South to put forth renewed effort in the hope of securing the most favorable terms of peace. The adverse vote was not, therefore, a deliberate judgment of a majority of the Northern people against the principles of constitutional liberty. A large number of the men who helped to cast that majority vote were actuated by motives of expediency, thinking to save the Union first, and leaving it for a more eligible occasion to vindicate their attachment to constitutional principles. Thus, the victory of the Constitution was postponed ; and its triumph reserved for another and uncertain time.

CHAPTER XXXV.

AN INTRIGUE IN RICHMOND AGAINST GEN. JOHNSTON. EVIDENCE OF IT.-GEN. BRAGG'S VISIT TO ATLANTA.-REMOVAL OF GEN. JOHNSTON FROM COMMAND.-THE BATTLES OF ATLANTA. -ENGAGEMENTS OF THE 20TH, 22d, and 28TH JULY.-SHERMAN'S DESIGNS ON THE MACON ROAD.-UNSUCCESSFUL RAIDS OF STONEMAN AND M'COOK.-HOOD'S GREAT MISTAKE. HE SENDS OFF HIS CAVALRY TOWARDS CHATTANOOGA.-SHERMAN MOVES ON

THE MACON ROAD.-DEFEAT OF HARDEE AT JONESBORO'.— -HOOD EVACUATES ATLANTA, AND RETREATS TO LOVEJOY'S STATION. SHERMAN'S OCCUPATION OF ATLANTA.—HIS ORDER FOR ITS DEPOPULATION.-ATROCIOUS CHARACTER OF THIS MEASURE.-THE FALL OF ATLANTA A SERIOUS DISASTER FOR THE CONFEDERATES.-VISIT OF PRESIDENT DAVIS TO THE MILITARY LINES IN GEORGIA.-HIS SPEECH AT MACON.-HE BETRAYS TO THE ENEMY THE NEW MILITARY DESIGN.-HOOD'S NEW MOVEMENT TO TENNESSEE.-SHERMAN FOLLOWS TO GAYLESVILLE. HE TURNS BACK AND DETERMINES TO TRAVERSE THE STATE OF GEORGIA TO THE SEA.-HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH GRANT.-HOW THE ENTERPRISE WAS A PLAIN ONE.-NO PERIL OR GENIUS IN IT.-ERRORS OF THE HOOD-DAVIS STRATEGY.— HOOD'S TENNESSEE CAMPAIGN. HE LOSES THE GREAT OPPORTUNITY OF THE CAMPAIGN AT SPRING HILL.-SCHOFIELD EFFECTS A RETREAT TO FRANKLIN.-BATTLE OF FRANKLIN. -HEROIC CONDUCT OF THE CONFEDERATE TROOPS.-REMARKABLE LOSS AMONG THEIR GENERAL OFFICERS.—BATTLE OF NASHVILLE.-GEN. GRANT'S FEARS THAT HOOD WOULD INVADE KENTUCKY.—PROBABLE EFFECT OF SUCH A MOVEMENT. THE ENEMY'S PLAN OF BATTLE.—THE SECOND DAY'S FIGHT.-HOOD'S ASSURANCE OF VICTORY.—A CONFEDERATE BRIGADE GIVES WAY BEFORE A SKIRMISH LINE OF THE ENEMY.-A DISGRACEFUL PANIO AND ROUT.-HOOD ESCAPES ACROSS THE TENNESSEE RIVER. HIS LOSSES.-THE WHOLE SCHEME OF CONFEDERATE DEFENCE TERMINATED WEST OF THE ALLEGHANIES.

GEN. LEE had moved from the Rapidan to Richmond, with an increase of reputation at each stage of the retreat. It is curious that when Gen. Johnston moved from the Northern frontier of Georgia to Atlanta, even with greater success, he should not have experienced similar tokens of approbation. The fact was that he was the subject of a deep intrigue in Richmond, to displace him from the command of an army, whose affections and confidence he had never ceased to enjoy; and even while he was moving in the march from Dalton, his removal from command was secretly entertained in Richmond. There is a certain delicate evidence of this, which the historian should not spare. While the march referred to was in

THE BATTLES OF ATLANTA.

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progress, a letter written by Gen. J. B. Hood to one who was supposed to have more than an ordinary concern, an affectionate interest in his career, declared then his confident anticipation of being soon elevated from the position of corps commander to the head of the Army of Tennessee. There was other evidence of the intrigue in Richmond. Gen. Bragg, the "military adviser" of President Davis, visited Johnston in his lines around Atlanta; never apprised him that his visit was of an official nature; put together everything he could to make a case against Johnston, and returned to Richmond with the alarming report that he was about to give up Atlanta to the enemy! Of this nonsense Gen. Johnston has written: "The proofs that I intended to hold Atlanta are, the fact that under my orders the work of strengthening its defences was going on vigorously, the communication on the subject made by me to Gen. Hood, and the fact that my family was in the town. That the public workshops were removed, and no large supplies deposited in the town, as alleged by Gen. Bragg, were measures of common prudence, and no more indicated the intention to abandon the place than the sending the wagons of an army to the rear, on a day of battle, proves a foregone determination to abandon the field."

But the Presidential fiat was to go forth in the face of all facts. On the night of the 17th July it was known in the Army of Tennessee, that a despatch had been received from Richmond, removing Johnston from command, and appointing in his place Gen. J. B. Hood. The news struck a chill in the army, such as no act or menace of the enemy had ever done. To Sherman it was the occasion of new spirit. When he heard that Hood was to be his future antagonist, he jumped to his feet, made a significant motion around his forefinger, and exclaimed: "I know that fellow."

Gen. J. B. Hood had been appointed by President Davis as "a fighting General," and was prompt to vindicate the cheap reputation that had procured for him such a command. With some reinforcements from the Southwest and levies of Georgia militia, Gen. Hood had now under his command an effective force of forty-one thousand infantry and artillery, and ten thousand cavalry. With reference to other Confederate forces in the field, his army was a large one, although it gave him but little margin for fanciful attacks and useless sacrifice of life.

THE BATTLES OF ATLANTA.

As Sherman approached Atlanta, two of his corps had swung around upon the Augusta road, destroying this line of communication, while Thomas took his command across Peach Tree Creek, directly in front of the Confederate entrenchments. While the enemy's right on the creek

was in marching column, Hood, in the afternoon of the 20th July, directed an attack upon it, designing to take advantage of a gap between two of its divisions. The attack was led by Walker's and Bates' divisions of Hardee's corps; and the massed troops, in admirable order, burst through the gap in the enemy's lines, and for a time appeared about to destroy his forces on the right. But a double fire was brought to bear upon their lines along the deep hollow they had penetrated; and the attack was drawn off in good order, but after a half hour of deadly work, in which the killed and wounded were counted by thousands. The loss of the enemy was about two thousand; that of the Confederates probably twice as large, as they were the assaulting party, and terribly exposed on the line of attack.

Next day, McPherson moved forward, and established a line east and south of Atlanta, and within three miles of the town. His command stretched beyond the Atlanta and Augusta Railroad, which he had torn up. Hood now hastily swung around Hardee's corps, followed by the others, and brought the bulk of his army against McPherson. Hardee moved against the enemy's extreme left, drove him from his works, and captured sixteen pieces of artillery. Gen. McPherson was shot dead as he rode along the line. Meanwhile, Cheatham attacked the enemy's centre with a portion of his command, and took six pieces of artillery. Affairs looked gloomy for the enemy; he had been repulsed at several points, he had lost much artillery, and the stream of bleeding men going to the rear told how severely he suffered in the conflict. But about this time the enemy succeeded in concentrating his artillery, and Gen. Sherman sent word to Logan, who had succeeded McPherson, to mass his troops in the centre and charge. Exhausted, wasted, and bleeding, the Confederate columns gave way, abandoning most of the artillery they had captured in the early part of the day. The attack of the 22d was like that of the 20th-one of the most reckless, massive, and headlong charges of the war, where immense prices were paid for momentary successes, and the terrible recoil of numbers gave a lesson to the temerity of the Confederate commander.

Hood's attempt on the Federal left being frustrated, he fell back to his inner line of works. The intentions of Sherman appear now to have been to swing his army to Hood's extreme right, threatening the Macon road, and having in co-operation a great cavalry raid upon his rear. Stoneman was sent with five thousand cavalry, and McCook with four thousand men, to meet on the Macon road near Lovejoy's Station, where they were to destroy the rail, and also to attack and drive Wheeler's command. Stoneman requested permission to be allowed to proceed to Macon to release the Federal prisoners confined there. Sherman left this at his own discretion, in case he felt he was able to do so after the defeat of Wheeler's cavalry. But Stoneman did not fulfil the conditions. He got down in front of

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