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It was not only at Cub Run bridge that the retreat had been choked. Fugitive thousands rushed across Bull Run by the various fords, and horse, foot, artillery, wagons, and ambulances were entangled in inextricable confusion. Clouds of smoke and dust marked the roads of retreat, and rolled over the dark green landscape in the distance. Where the roads were blocked, some of the troops took to the fields and woods, throwing away their arms and accoutrements; and from the black mass of the rout might be seen now and then a darting line of figures in which panicstricken men and riderless horses separated from the larger bodies, and fled wildly through the country. Even the sick and wounded were dragged from ambulances; red-legged Zouaves took their places; men in uniform mounted horses cut out of carts and wagons. Never was there such a heterogeneous crowd on a race-course. Soldiers, in every style of costume; ladies, who had come with opera-glasses to survey the battle; members of Congress and governors of States, who had come with cham-. pagne and after-dinner speeches to celebrate a Federal victory; editors, special correspondents, telegraph operators, surgeons, paymasters, parsons -all were running for dear life-disordered, dusty, powder-blackened, screaming or breathless in the almost mortal agonies of terrour.

For three miles stretched this terrible diorama of rout and confusion, actually without the pursuit or pressure of any enemy upon it! The Confederates had not attempted an active pursuit. The only demonstration of the kind consisted of a dash by a few of Stuart's and Beckham's cavalry, in the first stages of the retreat, and a few discharges of artillery at Centreville, where the Confederates had taken a gun in position. The cry of "cavalry" was raised, when not a Confederate horseman was within miles of the panic-stricken fugitives, who did not abate their mad struggle to escape from themselves, or cease their screams of rage and fright, even after they had passed Centreville, and were heading for the waters of the distant Potomac.

Over this route of retreat, now thronged with scenes of horrour, there had passed in the morning of the same day a grand army, flushed with the hopes of victory, with unstained banners in the wind, and with gay trappings and bright bayonets glistening through the green forests of Virginia. A few hours later, and it returns an indescribable rout-a shapeless, morbid mass of bones, sinews, wood and iron, throwing off here and there its nebula of fugitives, or choking roads, bridges, and every avenue of retreat; halting, struggling, and thrilling with convulsions at each beat of artillery that sounded in the far distance, and told to the calm mind that the Confederates had rested on their victory.

It was not until the sight of the Potomac greeted the fugitives that their terrours were at all moderated. Even then they were not fully assured of safety, or entirely dispossessed of panic. At Alexandria, the

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rush of troops upon the decks of the river boats nearly sunk them. At Washington the railroad depot had to be put under strong guard to keep off the fugitives, who struggled to get on the Northern trains. They were yet anxious to put a greater distance between themselves and the terrible army, whose vanguard, flushed with victory and intent upon planting its flag on the Northern capitol, they aready imagined on the banks of the Potomac, within sight of their prize, and within reach of their revenge.

But the Confederates did not advance. The victorious army did not move out of the defensive lines of Bull Run. It is true, that within the limits of the battle-field, they had accomplished a great success and accumulated the visible fruits of a brilliant victory. They had not only defeated the Grand Army of the North, but they had dispersed and demoralized it to such an extent, as to put it, as it were, out of existence. With an entire loss in killed and wounded of 1,852 men, they had inflicted a loss upon the enemy which Gen. Beauregard estimated at 4,500, in killed, wounded, and prisoners; they had taken twenty-eight pieces of artillery and five thousand small arms; and they had captured nearly all of the enemy's colours. But the Confederates showed no capacity to understand the extent of their fortunes, or to use the unparalleled opportunties they had so bravely won. At any time within two weeks after the battle, Washington might have fallen into their hands, and been taken almost as an unresisting prey. Patterson had only ten thousand men before the battle. His army, like the greater part of McDowell's, was composed of three months' men, who refused to re-enlist, and left for their homes in thousands. The formidable hosts that had been assembled at Washington were fast melting away, some slain, many wounded, more by desertion, and yet more by the ending of their terms of enlistment and their persistent refusal to re-enter the service. On the Maryland side, Washington was then very inadequately defended by fortifications. The Potomac was fordable above Washington, and a way open to Georgetown heights, along which an army might have advanced without a prospect of successful resistance. It needed but a march of little more than twenty miles to crown the victory of Manassas with the glorious prize of the enemy's capital.

But the South was to have its first and severest lesson of lost opportunity. For months its victorious and largest army was to remain inactive, pluming itself on past success, and giving to the North not only time to repair its loss, but to put nearly half a million of new men in the field, to fit out four extensive armadas, to open new theatres of the war, to perfect its "Anaconda Plan," and to surround the Confederacy with armies and navies whose operations extended from the Atlantic border to the western tributaries of the Mississippi.

CHAPTER IX.

THE VICTORY OF MANASSAS, A MISFORTUNE FOR THE CONFEDERATES.-RELAXATION IN RICHMOND.-PLOTTING AMONG CONFEDERATE LEADERS FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION.BEAUREGARD'S POLITICAL LETTER.—ACTIVE AND ELASTIC SPIRIT OF THE NORTH.-RESOLUTION OF THE FEDERAL CONGRESS.-ENERGY OF THE WASHINGTON ADMINISTRATION.ITS IMMENSE PREPARATIONS FOR THE PROSECUTION OF THE WAR.-THE MISSOURI CAMPAIGN. THE POLITICS OF MISSOURI.-STERLING PRICE AND HIS PARTY.-IMPRUDENCE AND VIOLENCE OF THE FEDERAL AUTHORITIES IN MISSOURI.-CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN GENS. PRICE AND HARNEY.-GOV. JACKSON'S PROCLAMATION.-MILITARY CONDITION OF MISSOURI.-HER HEROIC CHOICE.-AFFAIR AT BOONEVILLE.-COMPOSITION OF THE PATRIOT ARMY OF MISSOURI.-ENGAGEMENT AT CARTHAGE.-CONFEDERATE REINFORCEMENTS UNDER MCCULLOCH.-DISAGREEMENT BETWEEN PRICE AND MCCULLOCH.-NOBLE CONDUCT OF PRICE. THE BATTLE OF OAK HILL.-MCCULLOCH SURPRISED.-A FIERCE FIGHT.DEATH OF GEN. LYON.-THE FEDERALS DEFEATED.-WITHDRAWAL OF MCCULLOCH'S FORCES INTO ARKANSAS.-OPERATIONS IN NORTHERN MISSOURI.-FREMONT IN COMMAND OF THE FEDERAL FORCES IN MISSOURI.-HIS PROCLAMATION EMANCIPATING THE SLAVES. -ITS NOVELTY AND BRUTALITY.-REPUDIATED AT WASHINGTON. THE SIEGE OF LEXINGTON. ITS SURRENDER TO PRICE.-GALLANTRY OF COL. MULLIGAN.-CRITICAL POSITION OF PRICE.HIS DISAPPOINTMENT OF CONFEDERATE SUCCOUR.-HIS ADROIT RETREAT.MISSOURI'S ORDINANCE OF SECESSION.-FREMONT SUPERSEDED. THREE MILITARY MESSENGERS IN PURSUIT OF HIM.-EXCITEMENT IN HIS CAMP.-PRICE AT SPRINGFIELD.-CLOSE OF THE FIRST CAMPAIGN IN MISSOURI.—THE CAMPAIGN, A CHAPTER OF WONDERS.-MISSOURI MANHOOD.-THE WESTERN VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN.-RESOURCES AND WEALTH OF THE WESTERN SECTION OF VIRGINIA.-WISE'S COMMAND. THE ENEMY IN THE KANAWHA VALLEY.-WISE'S RETREAT TO LEWISBURG. THE FLOYD BRIGADE.-ADVANCE OF THE JOINT FORCES TOWARDS THE GAULEY.-THE AFFAIR AT CROSS LANES.-MOVEMENT OF ROSECRANS.-AFFAIR OF CARNIFAX FERRY.-FLOYD AND WISE FALL BACK TOWARDS SEWELL MOUNTAIN. AN UNFORTUNATE QUARREL OF COMMANDERS.-OPERATIONS OF GEN. LEE IN NORTHWESTERN VIRGINIA.-HIS FAILURE AT CHEAT MOUNTAIN.-COL. RUST'S PART IN THE AFFAIR.-MOVEMENT OF LEE TO THE LINE OF LEWISBURG.-HOW ROSECRANS ESCAPED FROM HIM.-ENGAGEMENT ON THE GREENBRIER RIVER.—GEN. H. R. JACKSON'S SUCCESS.FAILURE OF THE WESTERN VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN.-GEN. LEE'S NEW COMMAND.

THE victory of Manassas proved the greatest misfortune that could have befallen the Confederacy. It was taken by the Southern public as the end of the war, or, at least, as its decisive event. Nor was this merely a

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vulgar delusion. President Davis, after the battle, assured his intimate friends that the recognition of the Confederate States by the European Powers was now certain. The newspapers declared that the question of manhood between North and South was settled forever; and the phrase of "one Southerner equal to five Yankees " was adopted in all speeches about the war-although the origin or rule of the precise proportion was never clearly stated. An elaborate article in "De Bow's Review" compared Manassas with the decisive battles of the world, and considered that the war would now degenerate into mere desultory affairs, preliminary to a peace. On the whole, the unfortunate victory of Manassas was followed by a period of fancied security, and of relaxed exertions on the part of the Southern people highly dangerous and inauspicious. The best proof of this inactivity is to be found in the decrease of enlistments by volunteers.

There are to be found in the politics and literature of the Confederacy at this time, some very singular indications of the exaggerated and foolish confidence which took place upon the event of Manassas. So certain, after this event, was supposed to be the term of Confederate existence, that politicians actually commenced plotting for the Presidential succession, more than six years distant. Mr. Hunter of Virginia about this time left Mr. Davis' Cabinet, because it was said that he foresaw the errours and unpopularity of this Administration, and was unwilling by any identification with it to damage his chances as Mr. Davis' successor in the Presidential office. Gen. Beauregard was already designated in some quarters as the next Confederate President; and the popular nominee of an honour six years hence, wrote a weak and theatrical letter to the newspapers, dated "Within Hearing of the Enemy's Guns," and declaring: "I am not either a candidate, nor do I desire to be a candidate, for any civil office in the gift of the people or Executive." There was actually a controversy between different States as to the location of the capital of a Government, the existence of which they could not understand was yet imperilled by war. The controversy went so far that the city council of Nashville, Tennessee, appropriated $750,000 for a residence for the President of the Southern Confederacy, as an inducement to remove the capital there.

It is remarkable that the statesmen of Richmond did not observe the singular temper of the authorities at Washington, on the news of their defeat at Manassas. On the very day that Washington was crowded with fugitives from the routed army, the Federal Congress legislated calmly and patiently throughout; and the House of Representatives, passed unanimously the following resolution:

"Resolved, That the maintenance of the Constitution, the preservation of the Union, and the enforcement of the laws, are sacred trusts which must be executed; that no disaster shall discourage us from the most ample performance of this high duty; and that

we pledge to the country and the world the employment of every resource, national and individual, for the suppression, overthrow, and punishment of rebels in arms."

While the South reposed on the laurels of Manassas, the active and elastic spirit of the North was at work to repair its fortunes. It accomplished wonders. It multiplied its armies; it built navies with infuriate energy; it recovered itself from financial straits which distant observers thought hopeless; a few weeks after the battle of Manassas it negotiated a loan of one hundred and fifty millions of dollars, at a fraction above the legal interest of New York; in short, its universal mind and energy were consolidated in its war upon the South. There is no more remarkable phenomenon in the whole history of the war than the display of fullyawakened Northern energy in it, alike wonderful in the ingenuity of its expedients and in the concentrated force of its action. At every stage of the war the North adopted the best means for securing specific results. It used the popularity of Fremont to bring an army into the field. It combined with the science of McClellan, Buell, and Halleck, such elements of popularity as could be found in the names of Banks, Butler, and Baker. It patronized the great ship-brokers and ship-owners of New York to create a navy. The world was to be astonished soon to find the North more united than ever in the prosecution of the contest, and the proportions of the war so swollen as to cover with its armies and its navies the frontiers of half a continent.

While these immense preparations were in progress in the North, and while the South indulged its dreams of confidence, there was a natural pause of large and active operations in the field. The months of summer and early fall following the battle of Manassas are barren of any great events in the history of the war. But within this period there occurred two campaigns, remarkable for other circumstances than decisive influence, taking place on widely separated theatres, and yet much alike in their features of discursive contest. These were the campaigns in the distant State of Missouri and in the mountainous regions of Western Virginia.

THE MISSOURI CAMPAIGN.

The politics of Missouri had always been strongly Southern. As early as 1848-'9, when the North was evidently intent upon excluding the South from the territory obtained in the Mexican war-acquired principally by the blood of Southern soldiers-the Legislature of Missouri passed resolutions affirming the rights of the States, as interpreted by Calhoun, and pledging Missouri to "co-operate with her sister States in any measure they might adopt" against Northern encroachments. On opposition to

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