-necessarily based upon the aid of Russia, was rendered improbable since the death of Alexander III, and Russia's reverses in the East while the evidently weak martial equiprent and the internal dissensions of the latter almost precluded the idea of her attacking the engest military power of the Continent. The ess the danger from these two sides, the more prominent became the question whether a naval war with the greatest fleet of the world was to be looked for. What could Germany's weak equipment accomplish as opposed to Engards tenfold greater strength? What would se have to defend against the latter, bound as he two peoples are by ties of blood, admiring as she does in so many ways? But experiree has taught that the growing British illumor must be reckoned with; that the increase the German fleet, of its commerce, its coal strength, occasion displeasure in England, d that discussions and preparations for war are proceeding there; furthermore, that Engand's ruler and ministers are intent upon getng in close touch with most of the powers, waile evincing but a weak desire in that direcon as regards Germany. In spite of friendly its and speeches an anxious feeling that a complication with a superior opponent is impending cannot be dissipated. The point that ver anew occupies both nations is the unceraunty whether one is arming against the other. England's relations with the Latin countries of Europe, and particularly with France, may be noted, says this writer. always espouse the side of the strongest opponents of Germany. Their readiness to meet the wishes of England in colonial questions was evidenced in Egypt. This circumstance suggests the thought that in the course of centuries a similar process may take place in the French colonies. England is on the point of assuming an attitude of protection to the Latin states of Europe similar to that of the United States to the Latin states of America. Italy's bent is to seek England's support, and Portugal, the weakest politically, points the way that the other Latin nations must,-though it may be in varynig measure,-eventually follow. Gazing, then, into the politics of the future, we must reckon first with the English group, to which the Latin states of Europe will belong, the African colonial possessions, and, it may be, the future independent republics of Australia; second, the German, with which may be reckoned Austria and Hungary, perhaps also Holland and a portion of the Orient and of Africa; third, the Russian, with the greater part of Asia, excepting China proper and both Indies; fourth, the Japanese, which includes the islands of the Pacific, China proper, and the Indies; and, finally, the American group, which, under the leadership of the United States, embraces the whole Continent. The Prince concludes with the belief that the English will realize that they would lose more than they could gain by a war with Germany, adding that there is ample room for both nations in Africa and on the broad The old animosity between the two nations seas. German foreign policy, he remarks, naturally paled when France passed her zenith should guard against exaggerations, which as a world-power. From foe and rival she be- arouse English mistrust and annoyance, as came with time a confederate, according to well as against stinging remarks, which have the old, oft-proved principle in politics of makng a friend and protégé of a nation no longer the effect of "disturbing the habitual Engto be feared. And the French will naturally lish complacence." WILL THE ANGLO-SAXON STOCK SURVIVE IN AMERICA? MERICAN immigration is a unique phenomenon in the world's history; and the remarkable fact in connection with it is that the people of the United States have become so accustomed to the ever-increasing lux of denizens of the Old World that they are apt to lose sight of the tremendous possibilities which so large a foreign element nvolves. It is estimated that since 1820 about 25,000,000 Europeans have come to America; and concerning this enormous army of immigrants much food for reflection s supplied in an article by Mr. William Z. Ripley in the Atlantic Monthly for December. He says: Wave has followed wave, each higher than the last. people have landed on our shores. The ewcomers, if properly disseminated over the Since 1900 over 6,000,000 newer parts of the country, would serve to Along with the great increase in immigration has come a remarkable change in its character. Whereas in 1876 only 20,000 Italians landed on the western shores of the Atlantic, no fewer than 300,000 arrived in the year 1907. In the decade 1860-1870 the British Isles, Germany, Scandinavia, and Canada supplied 90 per cent. of our immigrants: in 1890-1900 only 41.8 per cent. But in 1860-1870 sent only 1 per cent., in 1907 Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Russia, which contributed about 900,000. Classifying the immigration to America in 1907, according to race groups, Mr. Ripley finds the result to tends to promote the conservation of the pu be as follows: Some of the statistics in Mr. Ripley's paper are as startling as they are interesting. In one block in New York there are 1400 people of twenty distinct nationalities. There are more than two-thirds as many native-born Irish in Boston as in the capital city, Dublin. With their children, mainly of pure Irish blood, they make Boston the leading Irish city in the world. New York is a larger Italian city to-day than Rome, having 500,000 Italian colonists. It contains no less than 800,000 Jews, mainly from Russia. Thus it is also the foremost Jewish city in the world. Pittsburg is said to contain more of that out-of-the-way people, the Servians, than the capital of Servia itself. With all this ethnic diversity in the population the question is whether these racial groups will continue their separate existences or will coalesce to form ultimately a more or less uniform American type. Will the progress of time bring about intermixture of these diverse types or will they remain separate, distinct, and perhaps discordant elements for an indefinite period, like the warring nationalities of Austria-Hungary and the Balkan States? Among the factors tending to favor intermixture are the extreme and ever-increasing mobility of our American population and the ever-present inequality of the sexes among the foreigners. In 1905 Russia sent 50,000 womenfolk,-more than the number from England, Germany, and Sweden combined, -and Austria-Hungary transplanted hither 78,000, or three times as many as came from England, Ireland, and Germany. On the other hand, among the Italians the proportion of men to women, formerly six to one, is still three to one. What, asks Mr. Ripley, are these men to do for wives? They may write home or go home and find brides among their own people, or they may seek wives in America. This probably the majority do. Of the influences tending to hinder ethnic intermixture the most important is the effect of segregation of the immigrants in compact colonies. The Mediterranean, Slavic, and Oriental peoples "heap up in the great cities. Literally four-fifths of all our foreign-born citizens now abide in the twelve principal cities of the country, which are aly in the East." This concentration rity of racial stocks. Again, barriers to inter marriage are often based upon differences in economic status. Racial intermixture, to a greater or les extent, being inevitable, is the result likely to be a superior or an inferior type? Will the American of 200 years hence be bet ter or worse, as a physical being, because of his mongrel origin?" Mr. Ripley states that evidence to support both sides is to be had for the seeking. A very important factor in the solution of the question is the birth-rate. Benjamin Franklin estimated six children to a normal American family in his day. At the present time the average is slightly above two. The rate of reproduction of the foreigners after their arrival in the United States and their 'surprisingly sustained tenacity of life. ican. In Massachusetts, for instance, the greatly exceed those of the native-born Amerbirth-rate among the foreign-born is three times that of the native-born. "Even among the Irish the fruitfulness of the women is 50 per cent. greater than for the Massachusetts native-born. The contest for supremacy between the Anglo-Saxon stock and its rivals in America may be stated in another way. Whereas, only about one-ninth of the married women among the French-Canadians, Irish, and Germans are childless, the proportion among the American-born and the English-Canadians is as high as one in five. A century ago about 2 per cent. of barren marriages was the rule. Is it any wonder that serious students contemplate the racial future of Anglo-Saxon America with some concern? They have seen the passing of the American Indian and the buffalo; and now they able to survive. query as to how long the Anglo-Saxon may be On the other hand, evidence is not lacking to show that in the second generation of these immigrant peoples a sharp and considerable, nay in some cases a truly alarming, decrease in fruitfulness occurs. The crucial time among all our newcomers from Europe has always been in this second generation. The old customary ties and usages have been abruptly sundered, and new not yet been formed. associations, restraints, and responsibilities have In some communities the Irish-Americans have a lower birthrate even than the native-born. Dr. Engelmann. on the basis of a large practice, has shown that among the St. Louis Germans the proportion of barren marriages is almost unprecedentedly high. AMERICAN ENERGY, AS To see ourselves as others see us is invariably instructive, if not always productive of pleasurable feelings. More often tan not our transatlantic critics are apt to be somewhat blind to such good qualities as we may possess; at the same time they evince a remarkably acute perception in discovering car little weaknesses. All the more agreeable, therefore, is it to read an article like that on "l'Energie Americaine," by M. Firin Roz, in the Revue des Deux Mondes. Here there is no superficial handling of the subject, no presentation of "impressions" gained during a tour of a few weeks in the country whose people the writer seeks to describe. On the contrary, M. Roz treats his theme exhaustively, going back to the anding of the Pilgrim Fathers, and laying under contribution more than a score of writers, including such prominent authors as Paul Bourget, J. Huret, Félix Klein, Paul Adam, and Th. Bentzon. What first strikes al observers, he says, in the character of the American of the United States is his hardy activity, his appetite for action, and his élan. These qualities, he considers, are in great measure an inheritance from the first set ders. The Puritans of Yorkshire disembarked on a land that offered them nothing, but promised everything. It invited to labor; and the pioneer had only to advance in order to conquer. Prop erty spread out before him, unbounded, free, and fered to his simple effort. And the develop; et of industry, the progress of steam and electricity, and the discovery of mines resulted na tenfold expansion of energy, initiative, and daring. An unexploited world awaited the hand and mind of man; and man responded to this appeal There was no burdensome legacy from the past to hamper the free hands of the workers: their effort turned spontaneously toward the future. Action was concentrated toward a single end, the production of wealth. This was a primordial condition of life beore it became an ambition. Whereas other peoples have expended their energies in safearding their frontiers from enemies or vals and in realizing their dreams of miliay glory, the colonists of New England and the citizens of the young Republic devoted themselves solely to economic development and to "the most intense labor." The latter characteristic, says M. Roz, continues to present time. "It stamps each individual with its imprint, and thus reduces to uniformity the continually increasing diversity the SEEN BY A FRENCHMAN. of races and peoples thrown by immigration on the shores of the Western Hemisphere. Physical energy of effort, says this writer, dominates the entire psychology of the American. Pioneers, trappers of the North, cowboys of the Western solitudes, seekers for gold, soldiers This initial necessity has never changed. One of fortune,-all subsist by this force of energy. finds it even among the kings of industry, of railroads, and of finance. Initiative is one of the fundamental traits of the American character. The most curious evidence of this, M. Roz thinks, is the disinclination manifested by the average American for the ready-made careers.' Another American characteristic is the love of risk. "It is not enough to say that the American is not afraid of it: he loves it. It is a condition indispensable to his success. Risk has for him the attraction of an adventure. The American disdains ruin as heroes disdain death." But the one thing concerning which this French writer is most enthusiastic is the way Americans work. It has For, before all, this community works. Here one sees labor intense and marvelous. Transported to the New World and directed by enterprise, science has here been deliberately life, but to serve it, to increase its means withput to its practical work, which is not to govern out philosophizing as to its ends.. furnished man with an incomparable material which assures to him victory in all contingencies. America has become an immense workshop wherein labor unceasingly perfects its instrudirected toward one immediate end: to produce ments and its products. All efforts are more quickly, more cheaply, and better. And the results achieved have been astonishing. Referring to the need of perpetual effort in regard to organization and adaptation, in consequence of the diversity of elements of which American society is composed, M. Roz claims that the three principal factors in this connection are religion, education, and "social action." He cites the observation of M. Henry Bargy: "The moral unity of the American nation is a religious and a Christian unity. Profoundly religious, it gives to all denominations absolute liberty." The remarkable progress of Roman Catholicism in the United States is due to "its intimate harmony with the national spirit." As regards education it has merely an utilitarian end. The young American seeks instruction not from any love of science, but because to-day science signifies for him dollars and fortune. all the sciences, all the arts, all the handicrafts, There are schools for everything; for in fact, for every need. M. Jules Huret assures Under the heading of "social action," M. us that in the city of Boston alone there are more than 600, where one may learn anything Roz pays a high tribute to the work done from cookery to musical journalism. And he in America in the fields of Young Men's adds: "Employment is guaranteed in the last- and Young Women's Christian Associations mentioned field, for there is a continually in- and of settlements like Hull House in creasing demand for musical critics in all the cities of the United States (!)." Chicago. WHEN PUBLICITY PLAYS DETECTIVE ON MUNICIPAL DISHONESTY. EACH succeeding census of the United Government in Massachusetts." It is thus States establishes a noteworthy tend- characterized by Mr. Bridgman: ency on the part of the American people,— namely, that of congregating in the cities. In the first year of the last century the population of the United States was 5,308,483, and Baltimore, Boston, Charleston, New York, and Philadelphia were the only cities with more than 10,000 inhabitants. In 1900 the total population was 76,303,387, and there were no fewer than 545 towns with 8000 or more inhabitants, the percentage of the whole being 32.75, as against 3.24 in 1800. As this tendency to herd in cities is evidently destined to increase rather than to diminish, the problem of city administration will soon concern more than half of the people of the United States, writes Mr. Raymond L. Bridgman in the Atlantic Monthly for December; and he also puts forward the assumption that, besides being the greatest problem of the times, municipal government is the greatest political evil in the United States. This observation is apropos of a study of a new application of statistics "which has brought fresh promise of success to the reformers of municipal governments," and whose potency lies in the application of percentage of results to expense in the different cities, whereby comparison between different departments becomes possible, down to small details. It has come in local form, but the idea is national; and it is a fair presumption that the idea will speedily have national standing. Its local application has manifested itself in two States only,-Ohio and Massachusetts. This is the first report of the sort ever published in this country, perhaps in the world, and it is of such a pioneer character as to make it appear as if it must, by the very force of its method and application to municipal problems, be followed in all its essential characteristics by every other State in the Union, especially by all those with one or more large cities. The Massachusetts law under which the report was produced was passed in 1906. It requires each city and town to furnish annually to the Chief of the Bureau of Statistics of Labor a return containing a summarized statement of all revenues and all expenses for the last fiscal year of that town or city; a detailed statement of all receipts and disbursements of the last fiscal year, arranged upon uniform schedules prepared by the Chief of the Bureau of Statistics of Labor; statements of the income and expense of each public industry maintained or operated by such city or town; ment of the public debt of said city or town, showing the purpose for which each item of the debt was created and the provisions made for the payment thereof; and a statement of all current assets and all current liabilities of such city or town at the close of its fiscal year. a state The importance of this statistical work to the welfare of the cities will be apparent. Chief Gettemy himself states that formerly "there was no uniformity in the classification of the Massachusetts accounts, and in many cases no bookkeeping worthy of the name." It was simply impossible for any student of municipal finance, confronted with the utter chaos that existed, to make The any comparisons of a selected number of cities. What the average citizen wants to know, and what he is entitled to know, is how the percentage of expense in the different departments compares with that of similar departments in other cities. The report under notice not only gives this information, but it also shows the percentage division of expenses between the municipal departments themselves, under the respective heads of only report published by Massachusetts is presented in such admirable form that it is in itself a most encouraging promise that a large measuse of reform in municipal management will be attained through the comparisons of percentages of expenditures to results obtained. The report in question is issued by the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor, of which Mr. Charles F. Gettemy is chief, nd is entitled "The Cost of Municipal general administration, police, fire, public be exposed; revolt on the part of the citizens health, charities, and so on. There are is sure to come, and the dishonest official thirty-three cities in the State of Massachu- will be driven from office. "The light of setts, and the average for all of the thirtythree is given, as well as the items severally for every city by itself. The advantages of this system of comparisons by percentages are obvious. The It is now so easy to check up the work of any mayor, board of aldermen, street commissioner, or any other official who has a responsible posion that the average citizen can see easily and intelligently what the situation is. official or department can be compared with his or its own past. . . . If the administration is honest . then it gets credit in a way which has not been possible hitherto. If here is a city department which stands No. I of all the cities of the United States the man who has made the record possible will get credit for his ability and honesty. On the other hand, this publicity resulting from the comparisons of percentages will play the detective upon every dishonest and inefficient department head. Where the spoils system is in full sway, dishonesty will 66 publicity will shine about every department as it has not hitherto done"; publicity will have the effect of making officials feel more responsible; and honorable pride will be stimulated by the certainty that if the official does well the fact will be duly advertised to his fellow citizens. Another result is inevitable: public intelligence in public affairs will be raised, with a corresponding elevation of the efficiency of the service. The readers of Mr. Bridgman's article are reminded that all this advance does not concern the scheme of government at all. It does not involve any charter amendments. It has nothing to do with the suffrage, with systems of balloting, or any phase of the It is simply a system of election law. reducing finances to a form suitable for comparison, and letting the system do its perfect work. .. But it must not be forgotten that it takes men to reform. Figures will never do it of themselves. THE UNCHANGING ENGLISH,"-A FRENCH OPINION. IN a remarkable article in the Revue pour les Français, Baron Pierre de Coubertin declares that England is immutably stable, despite occasional appearances to the contrary. The Socialists at Westminster, the treaties with Japan, and understandings and agreements with other powers, have made no impression on the fundamental insularism which rules Great Britain's foreign policy. To quote his words: strength, gained during its returns to the public favor. We are passing through one of the periods when England carries on work beyond her boundaries. She has always worked in the same way. The centuries have seen her, first exercising her activity on something beyond her frontiers, then falling back upon herself to watch and await results. Her desire, like the instinct which impels her to exterior action, is controlled by her determination to guard the absolute Independence, which is the marrow in the bone of the British political system. Great Britain's internal policy is composed of three elements: First, the two parties,-Conservative and Liberals; second, the monarchy; third, the radicalism, which is always a surprise to the foreigner. The virulence of the radicals is of little more effect than to give savor to the English life. Twentytwo years ago an astonishingly passionate demand was made for the suppression of the House of Lords. That body stands where it stood then, the only difference being additional England's ideas do not progress, continues Baron Coubertin, nor do they stand still. They are in incessant action, "but their motion is circular, they revolve and, as a result of their revolution, return to the starting point." Morally, England falls back upon herself; for that reason, if for no other, she will always be an independent force, however she may be assailed by foreign foes or by schisms. As far as the peace of the nation goes, radicalism cuts no figure. The bold plans and the land talks of the radicals do nothing but add color to the picturesque. All that England is to-day, all that she is to be in time to come, this writer maintains, is contained in the schools, as the oaken timbers of the ship are contained in the acorn. The foreign mind regards the great colleges of Oxford, Cambridge, and the rest, as the schools of England; but to hold that opinion is to err, because the universities do not represent the nation. Their influence is limited to the higher of the classes. They are venerable,— those splendid temples of learning; we revere them as the glorious legacy left by the past; vet would find that they have had but little to do should they disappear to-morrow, England with the formation of her public mind. But to lose the public school would be to lose a factor of the national power and change the character |