"in consideration of a mutual arrangemen providing for greater freedom of commercia intercourse." The American plenipotentiar however, declined to ask the President fo authority to consider the proposal. TH Canadian elections were fought out upon th question of unrestricted reciprocity, whic had been adopted by the Liberals, and the were defeated, largely owing to the belief tha such a measure would lead to political unio with the United States. The Conservatives however, upon their return to power renewe the attempt in 1892 with Secretary Blaine but the negotiations were broken off. Final ly, upon the accession to power of the Liber als, Sir Wilfrid Laurier took the matter up afresh, but he returned with a final message to his own people: "There will be no more pilgrimages to Washington. We are turning our hopes to the Old Motherland."

into the markets of the United States. The Sir Charles Tupper, a settlement was offere movement began in the former year, when Great Britain abolished the Corn Laws, through which the colonies lost a preferential duty for their products in the mother country. The Governor-General, Lord Elgin, went to Washington in the hope of obtaining a treaty, which he succeeded in doing by skillful diplomacy and unbounded hospitality in the year 1854. For twelve years the arrangement gave general satisfaction, but was abrogated by the United States in 1866. Then began the efforts for its renewal, which were continued for thirty years. In 1865 when the Canadian Ministers were promoting Confederation in England, they urged the policy of renewing the treaty, and efforts were made through Mr. Adams, American Minister in London, and the British Minister at Washington, Sir F. Bruce, but the negotiations failed. The same year Messrs. Galt and Howland went to Washington and secured permission to send a delegation representing all the Provinces, but they returned empty handed. The next negotiations were those of 1869 conducted by the British Minister at Washington and John Rose, the Canadian Minister of Finance; but it is difficult to know precisely what offer Canada made, as the negotiations were believed to be private, and the papers referring to the subject are now lost. Again, in 1871, reciprocity made its appearance, but the American commissioners declined the proposal on the ground that "the renewal of the treaty was not in their interests and would not be in accordance with the sentiments of their people."

In 1873 the National Board of Trade of the United States memorialized Congress to appoint a commission to frame a treaty, and the Canadian Government replied that the subject, if approved of by Congress, would receive their fullest consideration. In 1873 George Brown was appointed British plenipotentiary for the negotiation of a new treaty, and a draft was made of a treaty to remain in force for twenty-one years, but the United States Senate adjourned without even taking a vote upon it. Finally, in 1879, a higher tariff was enacted in Canada, but it retained the previous offer of reciprocity. The only result was that Congress passed a retaliatory law. In 1887 the opposition in the Canadian Parliament put on record their adhesion to the principle of unrestricted reciprocity. In 1888, at the conference over the new fishery aty between Secretary Bayard, Sir Julian efote, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, and

CANADA'S INCREASED FOREIGN TRADE.

The abrogation of the Elgin-Marcy treaty in 1866 brought much hardship to Canada. For a series of years before the denunciation of the treaty by the United States the traffic between the two countries had an average yearly value of $75,000,000. For a corresponding period after the abrogation the value of the trade declined to $57,000,000 a year. The aggregate of Canada's foreign trade for the last year in which the treaty was in force amounted to $160,409,456; the year following it declined to $139,202,615. The loss fell with grevious force upon the agricultural community, which had then no foreign markets but the United States. Under the stress of those bad times there was a small though bitter cry for annexation. In the seventh year, however, Canada's foreign trade had risen to $235,301,203. The balance of trade was against the United States.

To the credit of Canada her people sought new paths, and in a few years were competing with the United States in the foreign markets of the world. Goods which had previously sold in New York and Boston were now sold in the Maritime Provinces, in Newfoundland, in the West Indies, and in England. Canada learned in a hard school the valuable lessons that she had lakes, and seas, and rivers of her own whereon she might freight her goods in ships built from her own forests. The Canadians, led by Macdonald, faced the situation boldly. They replied by the enactment of a policy of protection which had in it a certain justification for being char

acterized as national. The scattered colonies which fringed the northern border of the United States were driven together by a community of interest which in time developed into community of sentiment.

RAILROAD EXPANSION.

This desire for reciprocity with the United States arose from a perception of the simple geographical fact that the mountains of America, and consequently the valleys, run in a northerly direction. The refusal to grant reciprocity compelled Canada to convert North and South into East and West. That has been done by the system of railways and canals. Canada has built 25,000 miles of railway at a cost of $1,200,000,000, and of this 20 per cent. has been contributed from the public funds. Upon the public business $365,000,000 has been expended; that is the amount of the debt, but there is upon deposit in the banks more than $500,000,000. At the moment there are two more transcontinental railways building, one of which will cost $150,000,000.

For the sake of encouraging her industries Canada contributed in bounties on iron and steel $9,000,000, and to-day Canadian rails are selling in India against the world. Last year goods were manufactured to the value of $718,000,000, and yet the home market is not fully supplied.

It is useless to pretend that Canada has no interest in proposals which may be made for freer trade with the United States. The Maritime Provinces are especially concerned, since for forty years they have suffered most from being cut off from trade with the adjoining seaboard of New England.

In spite of the recent world-wide depression the tables of trade and navigation for the twelve months ending March 31, 1908, show that the year yielded the largest foreign trade in the history of Canada. The exports were $280,006,606, and the imports $370,786,525; of these exports agriculture yielded $246,960,968.

and surtaxes, and spite enactments are under ordinary circumstances but minor influences on trade movement. Canadians, for example, bought from the United States last year, according to the tables, almost twice as much as they exported to that country; and they exported to Great Britain 40 per cent. more than they imported from it. In spite of a customs preference of one-third in favor of British goods, imports from the United States are greater than those from Great Britain, with a tendency to grow even more rapidly. Exports to the United States have doubled within the last nine years, while in the same time the exports to Great Britain have only increased by about one-third.

The attitude of the United States toward Canada has been that of the petty trader who declines to do business with a man because their fathers had a disagreement. To his own hurt he blinds himself to the fact that a transaction may be profitable to both parties to it. This attitude on the part of the United States was not entirely unreasonable. Indeed, if ever there was a case in which retaliation was likely to do good, here was one,

a large community side by side with a smaller one, two peoples descended from the same stock, speaking somewhat similar languages, living in the same environment, and separated by a boundary which was wholly artificial. The United States was also aware that Montreal was a center of conspiracy against the North, and that ships had gone from Canadian ports to force their blockade.

But all this old bitterness has passed away and the frame of mind of Canada at least is one of good-natured banter toward an elder brother. Young men from the United States are coming to Canada in increasing numbers. They are found in factories, offices, universities, churches, and clubs. They are crowding the Western lands. They make good citizens because they take hold of Canadian institutions, and, helping to work them, become Canadians.

Canada is now so secure in her political IMPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES GREATER status as part of the empire that she has no

THAN FROM ENGLAND.

fear of what trade can do. The preference which is granted to England has a basis in sentiment, but also in the necessity for cheaper goods. Sixty-two per cent. of the people live on or near the farms. They are vitally interested in cheaper goods from the United States or from England. The only reservation they make is that in any readjustment of the tariff England shall not be put

And yet, notwithstanding these mutual efforts to hamper the exchange of commodities between the two countries, the imports from the United States last year amounted to $210,652,825, and the exports to $113,516,600. England took $134,488,056 and gave back $94,959,471. These tables show, curiously enough, that tariffs, and preferences, at a disadvantage.

GIFFORD PINCHOT AND HIS FIGHT FOR OU

NATIONAL RESOURCES.*

BY HEWITT THOMAS.

Public Lands Commission which PresiRoosevelt appointed in 1903, and which vestigated the public lands thoroughly and smitted a general public lands policy. from this and the existing forest policy the development of a broader and more comprehensive plan was inevitable,—that is, a polfor the conservation of the country's natresources. In his speech at Jamestown, Va, nearly two years ago, President Rooseet reviewed these policies and added: So much for what we are trying to do in izing our public lands for the public; in securthe use of the water, the forests, the coal, the timber for the public. In all four moveas my chief adviser, and the man first to sugfest to me the process which has actually proved beneficial, was Mr. Gifford Pinchot, the Chief the National Forest Service. Mr. Pinchot suggested to me a movement supplementary all of these movements, one which will itself ad the way in the general movement which he represents and with which he is actively identhed, for the conservation of all our natural re Sarces. This was the appointment of the Innd Waterways Commission.

TOUT

As chairman of the National Conservaon Commission (which now includes the Inland Waterways Commission as one of its sections), Mr. Pinchot is now the head of the great conservation movement, ich embraces not only the preservation of our forests, but also a plan for the proper and development of all our natural reces-waters, forests, lands, and minerals. This is Mr. Pinchot's own idea, his chosen profession, his life's work. That may explain his enthusiasm, his hard work, and his willness, if necessary, to fight for that which he believes to be right.

that service administers some 168,000,000 acres of national forests, an area more than equal to that of the German Empire,—and employs some 2500 men, that in itself is a mighty big job. But Mr. Pinchot's usefulness stops not at that. With his wonderful genius for organization, and his able associate, Mr. Overton W. Price, he finds opportunity to devote himself to even larger duties. A man in close touch with official Washington declares that Gifford Pinchot has supplied as many ideas and practical working plans to the great " uplift" movement, personified by President Roosevelt, as any member of the President's cabinet,-if not more.

Mr. Pinchot in traits of character is a rare and admirable mixture. Modest as a girl, he is a fighter who knows not when to relent. The possessor of millions of dollars, he is in dress, custom, and manner, simplicity itself. With the bluest of blue blood, dating back to the Huguenots of France, he is a thorough democrat, showing no arrogance and despising display. Though having authority over an immense empire, Mr. Pinchot is cut off from no one or barred by no batteries of secretaries, no series of inner doors. There are no barriers about him such as are commonly found in Washington officialdom in cases where there is much less power and authority.

Yet, accessible as he is, he does his work with celerity and dispatch. There is no backing and filling. He sees the point instantly. and decides at once. One of the men who knows him best said of him: "I attribute Gifford Pinchot's success to his readiness to act while the idea is hot." An idea once approved with him means instant action. Pre

It is a fact, perhaps too well known, to sent a suggestion to him, and one of the reed mention here that the friendship be- secrets of his success is that he courts the fulltween Roosevelt and Pinchot is perhaps est possible suggestion from those about him, closer than any other friendship the Presi--and it is, "now, how can we do this?" dent has. They play tennis together, take ng walks together, chop trees together and, together, plan for the advancement of the great conservation movements which they

represent.

And the fact is, he is doing things,-bigthings. Secondly, he is doing them fairly and squarely. He is getting results, and those results are for the benefit and enjoyment of all the people. He is applying common

The President's particular fondness for sense for the common good." "Gifford," as he calls him, is well known. It a personal friendship out of which a polian might make much. But no one ever new of Mr. Pinchot trying to "play" it for the least personal advantage or selfish aggrandizement.

Mr. Pinchot occupies a unique position in the Government. Officially, he is the head of the Government Forest Service. And as

Call him dreamer if you will; he dreams for the welfare of the people. Say he is an enthusiast, but an enthusiast seeking to safeguard the people's rights. But never forget that when dealing with Gifford Pinchot you are face to face with an intensely practical, hardheaded, farsighted man to whom self-interest is never a consideration, to whom the right is always the controlling motive.

LEADING ARTICLES OF THE MONTH.

THE PEACE MOVEMENT AND CIVILIZATION.

ELLEN KEY, the famous Swedish writer, contributes an exhaustive and appealing article to Nord und Süd, in which she shows by many cogent arguments the wickedness, the mad futility, of war, as well as the inevitable trend to a more rational and better state of international comity. We reproduce some of the salient points of her

essay:

The majority of mankind, however, far, as yet, from making the desire for peace a measure of culture, regard it as a promoter of it. They still consider progress as being the material,and, where possible, the spiritual,-ascendency of their own nation, and look upon the friends of peace as whining weaklings, open only to the appeals of sentiment, blind to the requirements of "historical necessity." The actual conditions that occasion war they maintain are an outcome of unalterable, elementary impulses, of racial, psychological, economic laws. The greatest cause of war remains what it always was: the need of a nation or race to spread, the need of bread, of a market,-in a word the impulse of expansion.

Powers that engage in war now do, to be sure, bear witness to the growing strength of the peace sentiment by not openly avowing it to be undertaken for their own interests, but in order to disseminate or protect civilization; just as equipments, go on in order to,-secure universal peace.

Another cultural gain of war is claimed to be the selection of the most valuable elements for mankind; but who does not know that the most capable nations cannot hope to prevail against those stronger and richer? The older, often more interesting, civilization, is mercilessly sacrificed to mercantile interests; language, the chief instrument of culture, is suppressed when politically expedient; upon a like ground the conqueror destroys the processes of justice,the basis of civilization. And if the violated nation defends its speech, its laws, its cultural gains, it is not termed patriotism, but,-rebel

lious separatism.

But while all,-advocates of peace as well as war-patriots,-know that war under the given conditions is a natural necessity, the former believe that those conditions may be changed while the latter maintain that they are unalterable. The prosperity of one people is still the decline of another. The fear of one that it will be robbed of its essentials of life by the other is to-day not an unfounded one. "Selfdefense is the first law of nature," this applies to nations as well as individuals; but a citizen can worthily perform his duty to his country by defending it against injury or insult, and yet repel the chauvinist demands which seek to do violence to his conscience as a citizen of the world,-for example, if his own land has transgressed the law of nations, sinned against the international ideals of civilization.

True progress, Ellen Key maintains, consists in finding the point of union between one's own and other nations, where the welfare of one coincides with that of the others. "While the advocate of war boasts of martial memories, and inflames national and race hatred by all sorts of devices, the patriot of civilization pursues an exactly opposite

course.

And that is the course all women

should follow!"

Real Trend of the World Nations.

The question whether there is actual danger of an approaching conflict between England and Germany is the occasion of a penetrating and very suggestive article,-appearing in the Deutche Revue,-by Prince Lichnowsky, a member of the Prussian Upper House. In the course of it he pictures the basic tendency of the great nations, remarking that in politics isolated phases are to be differentiated from the general, fundamental

strain.

In view of the dangers that threaten English rule in Asia on the part of Russia and Japan, as well as of the economic convulsion which would follow even a successful war with Germany,-England's best customers. We all know, the Swedish writer con--the Prince concludes that a conflict is not tinues, that the craving for bread and for to be apprehended as imminent. Some of his power are elementary impulses; that the ex- arguments, particularly those regarding Great pansion idea is for the present an explosive Britain's prospective relation to the Latin force which no peace movement can destroy; nations of Europe, are profoundly significant. that the crime of the strong against the right He says in substance: of the weak is at present a fact; that war is the last recourse to settle deep-seated differ

ence

number of years formed the most important part of her foreign policy. A war with France,

Germany's relations with England have for a