bition and conquest. It is curious to see how everything that France does or gains or aims at becomes subservient to the Papal Power, and turns to the disadvantage of religious liberty and of enlightened civilization. Beginning with the overthow of the Roman Republic, and the still continued armed occupancy of Rome by a French army, as the only means of upholding the Pope in his throne as a temporal prince, we see in Cochin China, in Madagascar, in Turkey, in Spanish America, in Poland, and everywhere, that it is the support and favor of the Pope which constitutes Louis Napoleon's reliance in the last resort; and it is the extension and consolidation of the Papal Power which gives unity to all his aims, and the strength of a common interest to all his schemes. It is now clearly understood that the outbreak in Poland was but a plan for establishing in the center of Europe a FrancoRomish interest that should serve as a point of defense and aggression against Russia and the Greek Church. It is Popery, struggling against the advance of freedom and civilization, that has for forty years kept the Spanish American states in turmoil, and kept them from consolidating their governments or improving their conditions. In Venezuela, in Colombia, in Ecuador, everywhere, it is the Priests' Party against the body of the people; the people striving to recover the right of governing for themselves, and the Priests, aided by a few bigots, a few rich men, a few European Know-nothings, and a good many reckless and marauding brigands, trying to keep the power of the government in the hands of a class, and subject the many to the control of a few. This power has at length been happily put down, at least for the present, by the gallant and patriotic President Mosquera in Colombia. It has succumbed, at least temporarily, to a compromise in Veezuela; while, in the adjoining republic of Ecuador, it has apparently achieved an absolute triumph, in the treaty which was concluded in April last, by President Moreno with Cardinal Antonelli in the name of the Pope.* And one of the

This treaty, which has been published in El Nacional, the official journal of Ecuador, contains the following articles, which serve to illustrate the Pope's ideas of religious liberty, where he has things in his own way:

"1. The Roman Catholic and Apostolic religion is the religion of the Republic of

chief ends of the conquest of Mexico by France, is announced to be the ascendency of the Latin race, and the restoration of the Church of Rome to its ancient honor and power in the country. The confiscation already begun of the estates of all Mexicans guilty of the crime of supporting their own constitutional government, will prepare the way for the restoration of the estates of the Church, valued at a hundred millions of dollars, heretofore sequestered for the uses of the state.

In former days, the civilized world has been accustomed to rely for protection against any unwarrantable aggressions of Rome, upon the vigilance and strength of the two great Protestant Powers, Prussia and England. And it is a most unfortunate coincidence, that just at this time, when the Papal Power is so rapidly consolidating itself, Prussia is well nigh powerless for any good purpose, by the insensate relapse of the present monarch into the wildest madness of absolutism; while the government of England is under the adminis

Ecuador. Consequently, the exercise of any other worship, or the existence of any society condemned by the Church, will not be permitted by the Republic.

"2. The education of the young in all public and private schools shall be entirely conformed to the doctrines of the [Roman] Catholic Religion. The teachers, the books, the instructions imparted, &c., &c., [the provisions are given in a very condensed form], shall be submitted to the decision of the bishops.

"3. Government will give its powerful patronage and its support to the bishops in their resistance to the evil designs of wicked persons, &c.

“4. All matrimonial causes, and all those which concern the faith, the sacraments, the public morals, &c., are placed under the sole jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical tribunals, and the civil magistrates shall be charged to carry them into execution. The priests shall confine themselves to consulting the lay judges, if they think proper to do so.

"6. The privileges of churches [the ancient right of asylum in consecrated buildings] shall be fully respected."

The Philadelphia Catholic Herald and Visitor, August 5th, exults:

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A most satisfactory Concordat has been concluded between the Holy See and the Republic of Ecuador, in South America. In that exclusively Catholic country, the public exercise of no other worship than the Catholic is to be allowed. The bishops are to have the control of the education of youth, and to propose three candidates for the vacant episcopal sees to the selection of the President and of the Pope. No Exequatur, no Piedmontism, no Gallicanism, no shortcomings. The Hispano-American population, in the State of Ecuador, mean to be truly and generously Catholic!"

tration of a chief who seems to have become, practically, but a mere satrap of Louis Napoleon. Mr. Kinglake, in his remarkable volume on the Crimean War, before referred to, has described the process by which Great Britain was drawn, wholly beyond her intentions and against her interests, into that most bootless conflict. And there is no reason to expect that the same fallacious entente cordiale will not be made available to draw her onward, nolens volens, into whatever ulterior national embroilments the conquest of Mexico may lead to, in the interest of Popery and Absolutism.

In these frank and honest animadversions on the conduct of our affairs, we would not be understood as affirming that these evils, felt and feared, might have been prevented by a more open, and firm, and earnest maintenance of our point of honor before Europe; cr that the conspiracy of crowned heads against republican liberty could have been broken up in the year 1861, as it was in 1823, by the mere utterance of the magic words of the Monroe Doctrine. Things are not as they were forty years ago in many particulars, as we have too much reason to know. But we are quite confident that, if there had been in 1861 a firm and fearless reaffirmation of the Monroe Doctrine, in its plain meaning, as a long established principle from which the United States could never depart under any circumstances, and had our government put to each of the governments concerned in the coalition against Mexico, a direct and categorical question as to the objects of the invasion and the methods proposed for their attainment, with the intimation that we expected a frank and explicit answer, our title to which had been recognized in years long gone by-it might not have defeated the plot, but it might have caused a hitch in the progress of the negotiations; and it would, at any rate, have placed us right on the record before Europe whenever the crisis should come, as come it must. And it would have given proof to the world of our continued confidence in the stability of our institutions, and in the inherent strength of our government to maintain itself, which might have helped changed the course of public opinion on that continent among all that are capable of forming an intelligent judgment as to

political causes and effects. A single sentence of plain Saxon English, at that juncture, would have done more for us, than whole quires of flashy oratory and glowing prophecies always made ridiculous by events. The world would have seen by such a declaration in advance of the victories of our arms, that the spirit of the republic was wholly unbroken, and that we exacted from other nations the same respect and deference, which they were ready enough to pay us in the glorious days of President Monroe. They would have felt that the determination to ask nothing but what is right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong, is just as indomitable under President Lincoln as it was under General Jackson. A nation that is

always sensitive to its point of honor, is always respected among nations, if it has any force whatever. And we might have been spared many a supercilious affront from Palmerston, and many an insolent rebuke from Russell, and many an impertinent offer of interference from Louis Napoleon, if, at the lowest point of our disasters, we had taken that occasion to re-assert our highest self-respect as the leading republic of the New World, and the ready representative of the Political System of America, with which European politics had no business to interfere.*

But the Monroe Doctrine is not dead. It will not die, for truth never dies, and the Monroe Doctrine is an axiomatic truth in political science. It is as true now as it was when Washington issued his Farewell Address, that "Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns." It is as true now as it was when Mr. Monroe issued his Declaration, that "any attempt on the part of European powers to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere," IS "dangerous to our peace and safety." And we of this day

* In the maintenance of a professed neutrality between Mexico our friend, and France our enemy, we seem to have followed the American rule where it went against Mexico, and the European rule where it favored France-prohibiting the export of arms, which the former was destitute of, and allowing that of mules to the latter.

have been brought at length by the cogent force of events, to see as clearly as that golden administration saw, that "any interposition" with any of the American nations, "by any European power," for the purpose of "controlling their des tiny," IS "the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States." Those who have doubted, now see it plainly. The efforts for forty years, of selfish partisans, of timid statesmen, of political sciolists, of venal scribblers, or of covert reactionaries, to make it out that the Monroe Doctrine was a brutum fulmen, which struck no blow and made no mark, and then vanished into thin air, are all blown to the winds. The clouds which temporarily shrouded it from general view, have been rolled away by the winds from the Southwest, and the Doctrine shines forth as the political cynosure by which we are to steer our national course through this sea of difficulties, until the Imperial Republic shall resume her place among the nations, as a light to oppressed millions, and the political regenerator of the world.

What is next to be done, is not for us to prescribe. By what steps or through what struggles on our part the Monroe Doctrine is to be restored to its ancient respect in the counsels of European dynasties, will depend more upon the wishes of those Powers than on our own. The United States long ago reached that condition of conscious strength anticipated by Washington, when under any European intrusion "we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by our justice, shall counsel."* Should the European Powers receive the lessons of our recent successes, and speedily withdraw their criminal aggressions on a neighboring republic, thus paying their old homage to the Monroe Doctrine, that is well. Should they make open war upon us, we shall meet them as best we may, notwithstanding our embarrassments with the rebellion. Such a country as this, inhabited by such a people, and blessed with such institutions and such a history, is worth a struggle of a hundred years against the world in arms, before we allow the Political System of Europe to be extended over us by all the military force that can be brought against us. Should they

*Farewell Address.