the President, no matter how strongly he believed in the moral turpitude of slavery, could directly abolish it within the States where it existed. He had, upon his inauguration, taken the oath to maintain the Constitution. As Abraham Lincoln is an honest, God-fearing man, he would neither violate his oath nor his conscience. He had tried the offer of pecuniary aid to the states that would pass the necessary emancipation act, but no slave state had responded. Now he finds a provision, as military chief, by which he could accomplish the freedom of the slave, because slaves were an element of military strength to the enemy. Thus as military chief, and without any violation either of his oath or the Constitution, the President can deprive the rebels, as traitors, of this source of strength, and has accordingly issued his Proclamation. I cannot see why a moral sentiment may not find full play here whilst resort is honestly had to a military necessity. In this way alone could the President act directly and with efficiency. So far from finding fault with this method, all anti-slavery men in Great Britain should rejoice, as did all anti-slavery men in the United States, that freedom would thus come to the slave. Another class object to this Proclamation because they fear it will lead to a servile war,-to such an insurrection as will slaughter the slave ownBefore the outbreak of our war the boot, in Great Britain, was on the other leg. The cry then was against the cruelty and despotism of the slaveholder, with pity for the poor slave, often whipped or tortured to death. Then the effort of a slave to obtain his liberty, though he did it by killing his pursuing master, was commended as heroism and justifiable homicide. The papers report that Dr. Guthrie, in a public speech, said, "That were he in the habit of giving toasts he would offer this-Success to the first insurrection in America." But now a Proclamation of liberty to the slaves is condemned, lest, perchance, the slaves should rise upon their masters and thus gain their own liberty. If it would be heroic for one slave to secure his freedom, at the expense of one life, why not as heroic for four millions to secure their liberty even at the expense of many lives. I do not by this mean to encourage an insurrection of the slaves. I use the argument only to show the inconsistency of those in England who now object to the Proclamation through fear that it may lead to a servile war. You may have heard, and many of you doubtless will remember, how England, in 1812-15, when at war with the United States, did, as a

ers.

military necessity, endeavor to incite insurrection among the slaves at the South. This was previous to the great anti-slavery movement in England, and therefore had no moral element either of justice or humanity. I have no fear that the Proclamation will lead to servile war;-nay it will most certainly prevent such a dire catastrophe; for it holds out to the slave a surer, safer, and more speedy method of freedom. It invites and encourages the slaves to come away, as freemen, from their masters, and, under the protection of our armies, find a shelter from crime as well as from slavery.

All these things have been gained and others which I have neither time nor space to enumerate. All are the legitimate fruits of the great anti-slavery principles avowed by the Republicanparty, and on which President Lincoln was elected. Let me only allude to two of them. 1. The solemn reiteration of that passage in the Declaration of Independence, which affirms that "all men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are those of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." 2. "No extension of slavery beyond its present limits; that no more slave states shall be admitted to the Union, and that efficient measures must be adopted for the immediate and entire suppression of the slave trade." Some of these things have been greatly hastened by this war. Thus far God has most signally overruled the war, which the slaveholders began to perpetuate and extend slavery, so as to advance the cause of freedom.

When I recall the emancipation of slavery in the District of Columbia; the freedom of the territories; the offer of pecuniary aid to the states emancipating their slaves; the treaty with England for the suppression of the slave trade; the execution of Captain Gordon; the recognition of Hayti and Liberia; the rejection of the new state of West Virginia on account of its provision for slavery; and the Emancipation Proclamation of the President, I wonder, deeply wonder, and my brethren generally with me wonder, deeply wonder, that such men as Lords Brougham, Kinnard, and Shaftsbury, could restrain their shouts of joy, and especially that the Alliance could give no other deliverance of their views and feelings than those contained in the "carefully worded" resolution you have forwarded. It is no excuse to say that the Alliance were ignorant of these things. As men and Christians, standing on the watch-tower, they ought to have

known them, for they were not done in a corner. If the Alliance were ignorant of these great facts, all accruing, too, within the compass of a single year, and denoting, as they do, a more wonderful advance towards liberty than has ever been chronicled in any land or age, in so short a space of time, then they were not prepared to express any intelligent opinion upon a subject so grave and momentous. I write these things, my dear brother, not in anger, but in grief,-deep, heartfelt grief, that those whom I have so much loved, and with whom I have long taken sweet counsel, and in whom I had such unbounded confidence, should, by their haltings and short comings, have pained the hearts of so many true and faithful Christian brethren, and that they should have lost so noble an opportunity of ranging themselves promptly with those who, under God, are nobly fighting for liberty against the most cruel war which despotism has ever waged for the destruction of liberty and for the perpetuity and extension of slavery.

As the facts chronicled in this letter are of universal interest, as they are cheering to all true lovers of liberty, and as they illustrate the power of God's grace and spirit upon the hearts of men, I have no objection that you should publish this letter entire. By doing so you will spread before the numerous members of the Alliance how we, who are in the struggle, view the matter, and will tend, perhaps, to correct some wrong impressions under which you may have acted. I believe that to deal plainly, though kindly, with each other, is a clear Christian duty, therefore, because I deeply love the Alliance, have I opened to you my whole heart of grief. I believe there are many, very many members of the Alliance who, in view of these verities of history, would rejoice to give shape to their grateful joy, in resolutions, which would cheer.on and encourage their brethren here who are fighting a hopeful fight for liberty, and who are intensely glad that God has so manifestly taken in hand the settlement of the accounts of slavery in the United States. We confidently believe that the time has come when the knell of slavery shall be tolled upon the great bell of the Universe, and the nations summoned to its funeral, not as mourners, but with palms in their hands and pæans on their lips. Will not the Alliance hasten up and stand with us shoulder to shoulder in this great conflict, which involves the destiny of thirty millions and their posterity here, and the

interests of humanity all over the world? The present war, in the United States, is only the opening campaign of that great and final death-lock between despotism and freedom, which will result in such triumphs for liberty as neither earth nor heaven has ever before witnessed. It is the beginning of the world's great jubilee-when despotism, in every form, shall be put down, and the rights of man, as man, shall be everywhere respected and most sacredly guarded. God grant that England and America may stand united in this great war of great and fundamental principles.

With sentiments of respect and affection, I remain your fellowservant and co-worker in the good cause of our Lord,

WM. PATTON.

It is to be remembered that this letter was addressed to a Society which was constituted for the special purpose of heralding the triumphs of right principle, and which had professed from the first that it is an important part of its work to pub lish in its official paper whatever tidings of progress came from all quarters of the globe, even the most remote. Now in all the history of the Alliance, when has a nation taken so many or such important strides, in the direction of freedom, as these that Dr. Patton has here sketched? He certainly had a right to take it for granted that the officers of the Society would welcome such a communication, and give it a wide publicity among British Christians. It was with such an expectation that he added the following note to the Foreign Secretary:

TO REV. HERMANN SCHMETTAU:
MY DEAR BROTHER:

NEW HAVEN, Dec. 12th, 1862.

I have submitted this letter addressed through you to the Evangelical Alliance, to a number of my ministerial brethren, who cordially approve of it. They desire its publication in England, confident that it will do good-will lead to a better appreciation of our trials and triumphs, and will secure a greater harmony of views and action. We know and deeply deplore the fact, that the stand taken by the religious public in En

gland has had the effect to encourage the slaveholders in this war and to protract it, thus involving the death of many thousands. Of this we do not think you have the slightest suspicion, still, few, if any, doubt the fact. It is deeply painful to us that liberty, loving England should unwittingly throw her influence in favor of the slaveholders who have waged this war against liberty and to protect slavery. If you give publicity to this letter entire, please forward two copies to me. Should you judge best not to publish the letter please notify me of the fact, and believe me, I remain yours in the most fraternal bonds,

WM. PATTON.

The letter of Dr. Patton was forwarded by the steamer of December 13th, and probably reached its destination about December 27th. Nearly a month after, January 23d, 1863, the following note was written by Rev. James Davis, one of the Secretaries, in which a reply was promised in February:

MY DEAR DR. PATTON :

EVANGELICAL ALLIANCE,

7 Adam Street, Strand., London, W. C., January 23d, 1863.

I have the pleasure to acquaint you that your letter addressed to our Foreign Secretary, of the 12th ulto., has been received and laid before our Committee of Council, by whom it is still under consideration. I hope next month to be able to send you their reply, but you will, I am sure, see that the numerous and important details of your communication, on a subject of such vital interest both to you and to ourselves, necessitate careful deliberation before sending a formal reply, especially as you desire that our correspondence should be published.

In the mean time, be assured of our deepest sympathy with you in the afflictions that still desolate your land, and of our hearty prayers that a righteous peace, based upon the liberty of all who are in bonds, may speedily change your mourning into thankfulness and praise.

Believe me, with affectionate Christian regards,

Very sincerely yours,

JAMES DAVIS.