in New York, yet most of the causes of moral degradation in the latter prevail in the former. Situated at the commercial center of the basin of the Mississippi, St. Louis is the point of destination for a large portion of the immigrants intending to settle in the Valley States. And though industrious, honest and respectable as a body, many arrive destitute of money, and not a few ignorant and vicious. The hospitals and poor-house are crowded with the sick and disabled, and the house of correction with the idle and profligate. The latter possessing no disposition to engage in rural occupations, remain in the city, and hence, in addition to the vices of local origin, there is almost a daily importation from other countries. Thus far, the city authorities and citizens of St. Louis have acted most liberally in making provision for the unfortunate, and with becoming energy in correcting the vicious; but the continual and accumulating demands upon their means for immediate relief disable them from making appropriations to establish reformatory institutions upon foundations sufficiently broad and permanent to countervail the fruitful sources of vice which menace the city with the evils of pauperism and crime. In view of these facts in connection with the immense quantity of lands held by the General Government, a wise policy would seem to demand an appropriation of a sufficient quantity of the public domain to establish and support institutions calculated to prevent the growth and accumulation of pauperism and crime in the city of St. Louis, and in other cities affected by similar causes. Will your Honorable body give a homestead to every individual. who may settle upon and improve the public domain? The consequences of such a measure would be but temporary. It may expedite the settlement of the public lands, and improve the condition of individuals, but the condition of the next generation, as a community, would be no better than if the lands had been sold by the government, at a reasonable price. Should Congress make donations to aid in the construction of railroads and canals, such a policy would be wise and just; yet, all these improvements will be made, in their proper time, by individual enterprise and capital; and when done, the wants of commerce will be as well supplied, and the wealth of the nation as great, as if the work had been done at the cost of the government. Will you donate lands to ameliorate the condition of the Indigent Insane? Truly, this would be a philanthropic and praiseworthy. act, but its influence would be limited to a small number of individuals who are incapable of crime, and can in no way endanger the stability of our institutions. Or, will you distribute a part of the public domain among the States for the support of common schools? Such a measure would be worthy of the age, worthy of the country, and worthy of American statesmen. If one, or even if all these measures should be favored by your Honorable body, still there is an additional argument in behalf of a grant in aid of Reformatory institutions: JUVENILE REFORM SCHOOLS for large cities, where, instead of being sent to the work-house or prison, and compelled ever after to live an outcast and a pest to society without hope of amelioration, the youthful offender- the offspring of vicious and degraded parents-shall be separated from his associates in crime, and educated and trained to some honest employment. Missouri is the largest of the Valley States: and it is but reasonable to conclude that she will, in time, contain a larger number of inhabitants than any other State of the Union. St. Louis is destined to be a mighty city, controling, in a great degree, the social condition of the State, and affecting indirectly the policy of the nation. And if in proportion to her population she should ever contain the number of paupers, and the amount of depravity, which are known to exist in some of the large cities, contingencies may arise when this accumulated mass of ignorance and vice will control the destinies of the republic. Hence, the social condition of the citizens of St. Louis, and of other large cities, has a relation to the well-being and permanency of the Union, which may well claim the consideration of American statesmen. And believing that none of the objects herein mentioned possess higher claims to a portion of the pubiic domain, your memorialist respectfully prays your Honorable body to donate to the State of Missouri, a reasonable quantity of land, to be held in trust for the establishment and perpetual support of a Juvenile Reform School, embracing such objects, and to be established under such rules and regulations, as the legislature of said State may prescribe. And your memorialist will pray, &c. M. TARVER. ARTICLE VI. Report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The subject of "National Finance," involving the question of protection to American industry, and the principles of free trade. with foreign nations, affects, either directly or indirectly, every branch of industry in this country; and, consequently, the facts developed by the operations of the existing tariff of duties, commend themselves to the careful observation of every American citizen. The most imposing fact presented in the following report is the excess of duties collected beyond the wants of government, during the last fiscal year. We have ever been the uniform advocates of protection to American industry; but are constrained to admit that the degree of protection should be modified by the amount of revenue required for the support of the government upon liberal and just principles, administered with economy. Frequent adjustments of the tariff are to be deprecated: no change can be made without affecting adversely the interests of some one, or perhaps many branches of industry. Hence it will be wisdom on the part of Congress, before making any important change in existing regulations, to consider well whether the excess of revenue has not been occasioned by causes temporary in their nature; and if so, whether it is not better that there should be an occasional surplus than a general deficit? The suggestions of the Secretary of the Treasury, touching the enlargement of the "free list," command our approbation. This is doubtless the true mode of reduction, so long as it acts upon commodities which do not come in competition with American industry. But we find articles in the "free list" proposed by the Secretary which, in our opinion, deserve protection in as great a degree perhaps as any now on the duty-paying list. We notice the more objectionable articles in the order in which they stand on the list. Copper in pigs, bars, plates or sheets. Copper when old and fit only to be remanufactured, and copper for sheathing of vessels, is proposed to be admitted free of duty. The two main objects of a tariff-revenue for the support of government and protection to American industry—are most fully recognized by the Secretary in his report, but he seems nevertheless to have studiously avoided the word "protection," for it does not appear even once in connection with the subject. Now, if we keep these two objects in view, it must be admitted that the policy of abolishing the duties on copper is to say the least of it very ill-timed. Great Britain has long controlled the copper trade of the world. We have been dependent upon her for our supplies, and it is only within a few years that a spirit of mining for copper has been awakened in this country. Much labor and capital has been employed in explorations, and there are but few instances where sufficient progress has been made to compensate the labor and money expended. And should the duties be taken off of foreign copper at this particular juncture, it would operate unjustly to those who have so recently engaged in the business, and act as a check to this branch of industry, from which it would not recover for many years. Earthen and Stoneware, are also put upon the "free list." Our objections to admitting foreign copper free of duty, apply in all their force to these articles. Madder, ground, and madder root. Until very recently the culture of this plant has been almost entirely neglected. It is now beginning to attract attention, and if it should be found profitable to the grower, we shall soon supply the home demand. We think it would be an unwise policy to abolish the duties on the foreign article at present. Red and White Lead. It is proposed to place these articles also upon the free list. To this there is a two-fold objection: it is calculated to affect adversely both the mining and manufacturing interests of the country. We can perceive no argument that will justify the prostration of this branch of industry, that would not apply with equal force to any other in the land. Steel, in bars, cast, shear or German. We can perceive no good reason for making a distinction between this article and iron, and trust that if any change be made, Congress will place both upon the same footing. Wine of all kinds, except champaigne, imitations of wine, and adulterated wines. The proposition to place this article on the free list, suggests many interesting topics relating to the history of the country. Formerly, wine was regarded as a luxury enjoyed chiefly by the rich, and was therefore deemed a very proper object whence revenue should be derived. This was a just view of the subject when the Statesman was compelled to look around for objects of taxation which were best calculated to equalize the burthens of the community; but now the question arises, to what extent can articles of luxury be relieved from duty, with a view to the protection of labor? And did we not possess an extensive region favorable to the production of wine, we should unhesitatingly assent to the proposition of the Secretary of the Treasury, to place that article on the free list. But the culture of the grape, so long neglected in this country, is beginning to receive considerable attention in several of the States. This branch of industry is now in its infancy, struggling against the difficulties incident to all new pursuits, and if the action of the government should materially affect the prospects of profits to be derived from it, there is great danger that it will be abandoned entirely. We have long regarded wine-growing as worthy to be classed among the most important branches of rural industry. It claims the countenance and care of the philanthropist as well as of the statesman. For while it is calculated to increase the volume of national wealth, it will be found a more potent friend to the cause of temperance, than the Maine liquor law combined with all the associations which have ever been formed to prevent the use of destilled liquors. The Secretary of the Treasury has excepted Champagne from the free list; if this exception could be extended so as to embrace all those sorts of wine which are most likely to compete with our own products, then we should not object to relieving all others from the payment of duties. There may be other articles amongst those proposed to be placed on the free list liable to similar objections; but we have aimed to notice only those which seemed most likely to affect adversely the industrial pursuits of the country. It is worthy of notice that notwithstanding the Secretary of the Treasury discriminates between articles which should be "taxed," and those which should be placed on the free list; yet he proposes to divide all dutiable articles into two classes, and tax all contained in each at the same rate. This mars the symmetry of his whole system. All articles, except a few of but little importance placed on the hundred per cent. list, are to pay a duty of 25 per cent. The tariff is to be lowered on some, and raised on others, without regard to the effects which may be produced upon the in |