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modes of federal taxation, to the end that capital may be set free from distrust and labor lightly burdened.
We denounce the present tariff, levied upon nearly four thousand articles, as a masterpiece of injustice, inequality, and false pretence. It yields a dwindling, not a yearly rising, revenue. It has impoverished many industries to subsidize a few. It prohibits imports that might purchase the products of American labor. It has degraded American commerce from the first to an inferior rank on the high seas. It has cut down the sales of American manufactures at home and abroad, and depleted the returns of American agriculture an industry followed by half our people. It costs the people five times inore than it produces to the treasury, obstructs the processes of production, and wastes the fruits of labor. It promotes fraud, fosters smuggling, enriches dishonest officials, and bankrupts honest merchants. We demand that all customhouse taxation shall be only for revenue.
Reform is necessary in the scale of public expense-federal, state, and municipal. Our federal taxation has swollen from sixty millions gold, in 1880, to four hundred and fifty millions currency, in 1870; our aggregate taxation from one hundred and fiftyfour millions gold, in 1860, to seven hundred and thirty millions currency, in 1870 -or, in one decade, from less than five dollars per head to more than eighteen dollars per head. Since the peace, the people have paid to their tax-gatherers more than thrice the sum of the national debt, and more than twice that sum for the Federal government alone. We demand a rigorous frugality in every department and from every officer of the government. Reform is necessary to put a stop to the profligate waste of public lands, and their diversion from actual settlers, by the party in power, which has squandered 200,000,000 of acres upon railroads alone, and, out of more than thrice that aggregate, has disposed of less than a sixth directly to tillers
of the soil.
ported for immoral purposes, and Mongolian men, held to perform servile labor contracts and demand such modification of the treaty with the Chinese Empire, or such legisla tion within constitutional limitations, as shall prevent further importation or immigration of the Mongolian race.
Reform is necessary, and can never be effected but by making it the controlling issue of the elections, and lifting it above the two false issues with which the officeholding class and the party in power seek to smother it:
1. The false issue with which they would enkindle sectarian strife in respect to the public schools, of which the establishment and support belongs exclusively to the several states, and which the Democratic party has cherished from their foundation, and is resolved to maintain, without preju dice or preference for any class, sect, or creed, and without largesses from the treasury to any.
2. The false issue by which they seek to light anew the dying embers of sectional hate between kindred peoples once estranged, but now reunited in one indivisible republic and a common destiny.
Reform is necessary in the civil service, Experience proves that efficient, economical conduct of the governmental business is not possible if its civil service be subject to change at every election, be a prize fought for at the ballot-box, be a brief reward of party zeal, instead of posts of honor assigned for proved competency, and held for fidelity in the public employ; that the dispensing of patronage should neither be a tax upon the time of all our public men nor the instrument of their ambition. Here, again, promises, falsified in the performance, attest that the party in power can work out no practical or salutary reform.
Reform is necessary to correct the omission of a Republican Congress, and the errors of our treaties and our diplomacy which have stripped our fellow-citizens of foreign birth and kindred race, recrossing the Atlantic, of the shield of American citizenship, and have exposed our brethren of the Pacific coast to the incursions of a race not sprung from the same great parent stock, and in fact now, by law, denied citizenship through naturalization, as being neither accustomed to the traditions of a progressive civilization nor exercised in liberty under equal laws. We denounce or enriching friends, by percentages levied the policy which thus discards the liberty- off the profits of contractors with his deloving German and tolerates a revival of partment; an Ambassador to England conthe coolie trade in Mongolian women, im-cerned in a dishonorable speculation; the
Reform is necessary, even more, in the higher grades of the public service. President, Vice-President, Judges, Senators, Representatives, Cabinet officers-these, and all others in authority-are the people's servants. Their cffices are not a private perquisite; they are a public trust. When the annals of this Republic show the disgrace and censure of a Vice-President; a late Speaker of the House of Representatives marketing his rulings as a presiding officer; three Senators profiting secretly by their votes as law-makers; five chairmen of the leading committees of the late House of Representatives exposed in jobbery; a late Secretary of the Treasury forcing balances in the public accounts; a late Attorney-General misappropriating public funds; a Secretary of the Navy enriched,
President's private secretary barely escap- the old political parties have stood up maning conviction upon trial for guilty compli- fully for the rights of the people, and met city in frauds upon the revenue; a Secre- the threats of the money power, and the tary of War impeached for high crimes ridicule of an ignorant and subsidized and misdemeanors-the demonstration is press, yet neither the Republican nor the complete, that the first step in reform must Democratic parties, in their policies, probe the people's choice of honest men from pose remedies for the existing evils; and another party, lest the disease of one political organization infect the body politic, and lest by making no change of men or parties we get no change of measures and no real reform.
All these abuses, wrongs, and crimes— the product of sixteen years' ascendency of the Republican party-create a necessity for reform, confessed by the Republicans themselves; but their reformers are voted down in convention and displaced from the cabinet. The party's mass of honest voters is powerless to resist the 80,000 office-holders, its leaders and guides.
Reform can only be had by a peaceful civic revolution. We demand a change of system, a change of administration, a change of parties, that we may have a change of rieasures and of men.
Resolved, That this convention, representing the Democratic party of the United States, do cordially indorse the action of the present House of Representatives, in reducing and curtailing the expenses of the Federal government, in cutting down salaries and extravagant appropriations, and in abolishing useless offices and places not required by the public necessities; and we shall trust to the firmness of the Democratic members of the House that no committee of conference and no misinterpretation of the rules will be allowed to defeat these wholesome measures of economy demanded by the country.
Resolved, That the soldiers and sailors of the Republic, and the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in battle, have a just claim upon the care, protection, and gratitude of their fellow-citizens.
Whereas, The Independent Greenback party, and other associations more or less effective, have been unable, hitherto, to make a formidable opposition to old party organizations; and
Whereas, The limiting of the legal-tender quality of the greenbacks, the changing of currency bonds into coin bonds, the demonetization of the silver dollar, the exempting of bonds from taxation, the contraction of the circulating medium, the proposed forced resumption of specie payments, and the prodigal waste of the public lands, were crimes against the people; and, as far as possible, the results of these criminal acts must be counteracted by judicious legislation:
Therefore, We assemble in national convention and make a declaration of our principles, and invite all patriotic citizens to unite in an effort to secure financial reform and industrial emancipation. The organization shall be known as the "National Party," and under this name we will perfect, without delay, national, state, and local associations, to secure the election to office of such men only as will pledge themselves to do all in their power to establish these principles:
First. It is the exclusive function of the general government to coin and create money and regulate its value. All bank issues designed to circulate as money should be suppressed. The circulating medium, whether of metal or paper, shall be issued by the government, and made a full legaltender for all debts, duties, and taxes in the United States, at its stamped value.
Second. There shall be no privileged class of creditors. Official salaries, pensions, bonds, and all other debts and obligations, public and private, shall be discharged in the legal-tender money of the United States strictly according to the stipulations of the laws under which they were contracted.
Third. The coinage of silver shall be placed on the same footing as that of gold.
Fourth. Congress shall provide said money adequate to the full employment of labor, the equitable distribution of its products, and the requirement of business, fixing a minimum amount per capita of the population as near as may be, and otherwise regulating its value by wise and equitable provisions of law, so that the rate of interest will secure to labor its just reward.
Fifth. It is inconsistent with the genius of popular government that any species of private property should be exempt from
bearing its proper share of the public of law over and above all perishable maburdens. Government bonds and money |terial, and in the necessity of a party of should be taxed precisely as other property, united people that will rise above old party and a graduated income tax should be lines and prejudices. We will not affiliate levied for the support of the government in any degree with any of the old parties, and the payment of its debts. but, in all cases and localities, will organize anew, as united National men-nominate for office and official positions only such persons as are clearly believers in and identified with this our sacred cause; and, irrespective of creed, color, place of birth, or past condition of political or other servitude, vote only for men who entirely abandon old party lines and organizations.
Sixth. Public lands are the common property of the whole people, and should not be sold to speculators nor granted to railroads or other corporations, but should be donated to actual settlers, in limited quantities.
Seventh. The government should, by general enactments, encourage the development of our agricultural, mineral, mechanical, manufacturing, and commercial resources, to the end that labor may be fully and profitably employed; but no monopolies should be legalized.
Eighth. All useless offices should be abolished, the most rigid economy favored in every branch of the public service, and severe punishment inflicted upon public officers who betray the trusts reposed in
Ninth. As educated labor has devised means for multiplying productions by inventions and discoveries, and as their use requires the exercise of mind as well as body, such legislation should be had that the number of hours of daily toil will be reduced, giving to the working classes more leisure for mental improvement and their several enjoyments, and saving them from premature decay and death.
Tenth. The adoption of an American monetary system, as proposed herein, will harmonize all differences in regard to tariff and federal taxation, reduce and equlize the cost of transportation by land and water, distribute equitably the joint earnings of capital and labor, secure to the producers of wealth the results of their labor and skill, and muster out of service the vast army of idlers, who, under the 1880.-Independent Republican Principles. existing system, grow rich upon the earnings of others, that every man and woman I. Independent Republicans adhere to may, by their own efforts, secure a compe- the republican principles of national supretency, so that overgrown fortunes and ex-macy, sound finances, and civil service retreme poverty will be seldom found within form, expressed in the Republican platthe limits of our republic. form of 1876, in the letter of acceptance of President Hayes, and in his message of 1879; and they seek the realization of those principles in practical laws and their efficient administration. This requires,
Eleventh. Both national and state governments should establish bureaus of labor and industrial statistics, clothed with the power of gathering and publishing the
1. The continuance on the statute-book of laws protecting the rights of voters at national elections. But national supremacy affords no pretext for interference with the local rights of communities; and the development of the south from its present defective civilization can be secured only under constitutional methods, such as those of President Hayes.
2. The passage of laws which shall de prive greenbacks of their legal-tender quality, as a first step toward their ulti
Twelfth. That the contract system of employing labor in our prisons and reformatory institutions works great injustice to our mechanics and artisans, and should be prohibited.
1879.-National Liberal Platform. Cincinnati, Ohio, September 14.
1. Total separation of Church and State, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United States constitution; including the equitable taxation of church property, secularization of the public schools, abrogation of Sabbatarian laws, abolition of chaplaincies, prohibition of public appropríations for religious purposes, and all measures necessary to the same general end.
2. National protection for national citizens in their equal civil, political, and religious rights, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United States constitution and afforded through the United States courts.
3. Universal education, the basis of universal suffrage in this secular Republic, to be guaranteed by amendment of the United States constitution, requiring every state to maintain a thoroughly secularized public school system, and to permit no child within its limits to grow up without a good elementary education.
Thirteenth. The importation of servile labor into the United States from China is a problem of the most serious importance, and we recommend legislation looking to its suppression.
Fourteenth. We believe in the supremacy
stead of slavery, as its corner-stone. It transformed four million of human beings from the likeness of things to the rank of citizens. It relieved Congress from the infamous work of hunting fugitive slaves,. and charged it to see that slavery does not exist.
3. The repeal of the acts which limit the terms of office of certain government officials to four years; the repeal of the It has raised the value of our paper curtenure-of-office acts, which limit the power rency from thirty-eight per cent. to the of the executive to remove for cause; the par of gold. It has restored, upon a solid establishment of a permanent civil service basis, payment in coin for all the national commission, or equivalent measures to as-obligations, and has given us a currency certain, by open competition, and certify absolutely good and equal in every part of to the President or other appointing power our extended country. It has lifted the the fitness of applicants for nomination or credit of the nation from the point where appointment to all non-political offices. six per cent. bonds sold at eighty-six to that where four per cent. bonds are eagerly sought at a premium.
Under its administration railways have increased from 31,000 miles in 1860, to more than 82,000 miles in 1879.
II. Independent Republicans believe that local issues should be independent of party. The words Republican and Democrat should have no weight in determining whether a school or city shall be administered on business principles by capable men. With a view to this, legislation is asked which shall prescribe for the voting time; and our exports, which were $20,for local and for state officers upon sepa-000,000 less than our imports in 1860, were rate ballots. $264,000,000 more than our imports in 1879.
Our foreign trade has increased from $700,000,000 to $1,150,000,000 in the same
mate withdrawal and cancellation, and shall maintain all coins made legal tender at such weight and fineness as will enable them to be used without discount in the commercial transactions of the world.
III. Independent Republicans assert that a political party is a co-operation of Without resorting to loans, it has, since voters to secure the practical enactment the war closed, defrayed the ordinary exinto legislation of political convictions set penses of government, besides the accruing forth as its platform. Every voter accept-interest on the public debt, and disbursed, ing that platform is a member of that annually, over $30,000,000 for soldiers' party; any representative of that party op- pensions. It has paid $888,000,000 of the posing the principles or evading the pro- public debt, and, by refunding the balance mises of its platform forfeits the support at lower rates, has reduced the annual of its voters. No voter should be held by interest charge from nearly $151,000,000 the action or nomination of any caucus or to less than $89,000,000. convention of his party against his private judgment. It is his duty to vote against bad measures and unfit men, as the only means of obtaining good ones; and if his party no longer represents its professed principles in its practical workings, it is his duty to vote against it.
All the industries of the country have revived, labor is in demand, wages have increased, and throughout the entire country there is evidence of a coming prosperity greater than we have ever enjoyed.
IV. Independent Republicans seek good nominations through participation in the primaries and through the defeat of bad nominees; they will labor for the defeat of any local Republican candidate, and, in co-operation with those holding like views elsewhere, for the defeat of any general Republican candidate whom they do not deem fit.
Upon this record, the Republican party asks for the continued confidence and support of the people; and this convention submits for their approval the following statement of the principles and purposes which will continue to guide and inspire its efforts:
1880. Republican Platform.
1. We affirm that the work of the last twenty years has been such as to commend itself to the favor of the nation, and that the fruits of the costly victories which we have achieved, through immense difficulties, should be preserved; that the peace regained should be cherished; that the dissevered Union, now happily restored, should be perpetuated, and that the liberties secured to this generation should be transmitted, undiminished, to future generations; that the order established and the credit acquired should never be impaired; that the pensions promised should be paid; that the debt so much reduced should be
The Republican party, in national convention assembled, at the end of twenty years since the Federal government was first committed to its charge, submits to the people of the United States its brief report of its administration :
It suppressed a rebellion which had armed nearly a million of men to subvert extinguished by the full payment of every the national authority. It reconstructed dollar thereof; that the reviving industries the union of the states with freedom, in- I should be further promoted; and that the
commerce, already so great, should be steadily encouraged.
That the purity and patriotism which characterized the early career of Rutherford B. Hayes in peace and war, and which guided the thoughts of our immediate predecessors to select him for a presidential candidate, have continued to inspire him in his career as chief executive, and that
2. The constitution of the United States is a supreme law, and not a mere contract; out of confederate states it made a sovereign nation. Some powers are denied to the nation, while others are denied to states; but the boundary between the pow-history will accord to his administration ers delegated and those reserved is to be the honors which are due to an efficient, determined by the national and not by the just, and courteous discharge of the public state tribunals. business, and will honor his interposition between the people and proposed partisan laws.
3. The work of popular education is one let to the care of the several states, but it is the duty of the national government to aid that work to the extent of its constitutional ability. The intelligence of the nation is but the aggregate of the intelligence in the several states; and the destiny of the nation must be guided, not by the genius of any one state, but by the average genius of all.
4. The constitution wisely forbids Congress to make any law respecting an establishment of religion; but it is idle to hope that the nation can be protected against the influences of sectarianism while each state is exposed to its domination. We, therefore, recommend that the constitution be so amended as to lay the same prohibition upon the legislature of each state, to forbid the appropriation of public funds to the support of sectarian schools.
8. We charge upon the Democratic party the habitual sacrifice of patriotism and justice to a supreme and insatiable lust for office and patronage. That to obtain possession of the national and state governments, and the control of place and position, they have obstructed all efforts to promote the purity and to conserve the freedom of suffrage; have devised fraudulent certifications and returns; have labored to unseat lawfully-elected members of Congress, to secure, at all hazards, the vote of a majority of the states in the House of Representatives; have endeavored to occupy, by force and fraud the places of trust given to others by the people of Maine, and rescued by the courageous action of Maine's patriotic sons; have, by methods vicious in principle and tyrannical in practice, attached partisan legislation to appropriation bills, upon whose passage the very movements of government depend; have crushed the rights of the individual; have advocated the principle and sought the favor of rebellion against the nation, and have endeavored to obliterate the sacred memories of the war, and to overcome its inestimably valuable results of nationality, personal freedom, and individual equality. Equal, steady, and complete enforcement of the laws, and protection of all our citizens in the enjoyment of all privileges and immunities guaranteed by the constitution, are the first duties of the nation. The dan
5. We reathrm the belief, avowed in 1876, that the duties levied for the purpose of revenue should so discriminate as t favor American labor; that no further grant of the public domain should be made to any railway or other corporation; that slavery having perished in the states, its twin barbarity-polygamy-must die in the territories; that everywhere the protection accorded to citizens of American birth must be secured to citizens by American adoption. That we esteem it the duty of Congress to develop and improve our water-courses and harbors, but insist that further subsidies to private persons or corporations must cease. That the obliga-ger of a solid south can only be averted by tions of the republic to the men who pre- the faithful performance of every promise served its integrity in the day of battle which the nation made to the citizen. The are undiminished by the lapse of fifteen execution of the laws, and the punishment years since their final victory-to do them of all those who violate them, are the only perpetual honor is, and shall forever be, safe methods by which an enduring peace the grateful privilege and sacred duty of can be secured, and genuine prosperity esthe American people. tablished throughout the south. Whatever promises the nation makes, the nation must perform; and the nation can not with safety relegate this duty to the states. The solid south must be divided by the peaceful agencies of the ballot, and all opinions must there find free expression; and to this end honest voters must be protected against terrorism, violence, or fraud. And we affirm it to be the duty and the purpose of the Republican party to use all legitimate means to restore all the states of this Union to the most perfect harmony
6. Since the authority to regulate immigration and intercourse between the United States and foreign nations rests with the Congress of the United States and its treaty-making powers, the Republican party, regarding the unrestricted immigration of the Chinese as an evil of great magnitude, invoke the exercise of that power to restrain and limit that immigration by the enactment of such just, humane, and reasonable provisions as will produce