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stitutional guarantees, the same as any question which was now rapidly dividing other property; that to assert anything the two great sections of the Union. The else would be to deny the equality of the result of the long Congressional struggle States within their common territory, and over the admission of Kansas and Nebrasdegrade them from the rank of equals to ka was simply this: "That Congress was that of inferiors. This last proposition neither to legislate slavery into any Terrihad such force that it would doubtless have tory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; received more general recognition if the but to leave the people thereof perfectly North had not felt that the early compact free to form and regulate their domestic dedicating the territories north of 36° 30 institutions in their own way, subject only to freedom, had been violated. In answer to the Constitution of the United States, "* to this proposition they therefore pro-and it was specially prescribed that when claimed in their platforms and speeches, the Territory of Kansas shall be admitted and there was no other logical answer, as a State, it shall be admitted into the that freedom was National, and slavery Union with or without slavery as the conSectional." stitution adopted should prescribe at the time of admission.

We cannot enter upon a full description of the scenes in Kansas, but bloodshed This was, as it proved, but a temporary and rapine soon followed the attempts of settlement on the principle of popular the opposing parties to get control of its sovereignty, and was regarded at the time government. What were called the " Bor-as a triumph of the views of Stephen A. der Ruffians" by the Free State men, be- Douglas by the friends of that great policause of active and warlike organization tician. The more radical leaders of the in Missouri and upon its borders, in the earlier parts of the struggle, seemed to have the advantage. They were supported by friends near at hand at all times, and warlike raids were frequent. The Free State men had to depend mainly upon New England for supplies in arms and means, but organizations were in turn rapidly completed to meet their calls, and the struggle soon became in the highest degree critical.

South looked upon it with distrust, but the blood of the more excitable in both sections was rapidly rising toward fever heat, and the border men from the Free and Slave States alike were preparing to act upon a compromise which in effect invited a conflict.

The Presidential election in 1856 had singularly enough encouraged the more aggressive of both sections. Buchanan's election was a triumph for the South; The pro-slavery party sustained the Fremont's large vote showed the power of Territorial government appointed by the a growing party as yet but partially oradministration; the anti-slavery party re-ganized, and crippled by schisms which pudiated it, because of its presumed com- grew out of the attempt to unite all elemittal to slavery The election for mem-ments of opposition to the Democrats. bers of the Territorial legislature had been The general plan of the latter was now attended with much violence and fraud, changed into an attempt to unite all of the and it was claimed that these things prop-free-soil elements into a party organization erly annulled any action taken by that against slavery, and from that time forbody. A distinct and separate convention ward until its total abolition slavery was was called at Topeka to frame a State constitution, and the Free State men likewise elected their own Governor and Legislature to take the place of those appointed by Buchanan, and when the necessary preliminaries were completed, they applied for admission into the Union. After a long and bitter struggle Congress decided the question by refusing to admit Kansas under the Topeka Constitution, and by recognizing the authority of the territorial government. These proceedings took place during the session of 1856-7, which terminated immediately before the inauguraation of President Buchanan.

the paramount issue in the minds of the more aggressive men of the north. Lincoln voiced the feelings of the Republicans when he declared in one of his Illinois speeches

"We will, hereafter, speak for freedom, and against slavery, as long as the Constitution guaranties free speech; until everywhere, on this wide land, the sun shall shine, and the rain shall fall, and the wind shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited toil."

In the Congressional battle over the admission of Kansas and Nebraska, Douglas was the most conspicuous figure, and the At the beginning of Buchanan's admin- language which we have quoted from istration in 1857, the Republicans almost Buchanan's inaugural was the literal solidly faced the Democrats. There still meaning which Douglas had given to his remained part of the division caused by idea of popular" or "squatter soverthe American or Know-Nothing party, but its membership in Congress had already been compelled to show at least the tendency of their sentiments on the great

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Prior to the Kansas struggle the Free

* President Buchanan's Inaugural Address.

Soilers of the North had regarded Douglas | time that they were in themselves right, or as an ally of the South, and his admitted as nearly right as those who participated ambition for the Presidency gave color to in their adoption were given to see the this suspicion. He it was who reported right. There was certainly no attempt at and carried through Congress the bill for a division of right and wrong, and the the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a closest investigation will show nothing bemeasure which at that time was thought to yond a surrender of power for the good of obstruct Southern designs in the territories all, which is in itself the very essence and of the great West, but this repeal proved beginning of government. in fact the first plain steps toward the free- We have said that Douglas fought dom of the territories. Having repealed bravely for his idea, and every movement that compromise, something must take its in his most remarkable campaign with place, and what better than "popular Lincoln for the U. S. Senate demonstrated sovereignty," thought Douglas. Terri- the fact. The times were full of agitation tories contiguous to the Slave States, or in and excitement, and these were increased the same latitude, would thus naturally when it became apparent that Buchanan's revert to slavery; while those farther north, administration would aid the effort to and at that time least likely of early set-make Kansas a slave State. Douglas was tlement, would be dedicated to freedom. the first to see that the application of adThere was a grave miscalculation just here. ministration machinery to his principle, Slave-owners were not apt to change their would degrade and rob it of its fairness. homesteads, and could not with either He therefore resented Buchanan's interprofit or convenience carry their property ference, and in turn Buchanan's friends to new lands which might or might not be sought to degrade him by removing him fruitful in the crops best adapted to slave from the chairmanship of the Senate Comlabor. Slave-owners were few in number mittee on Territories, the position which compared with the free citizens of the had given him marked control over all North and the thousands of immigrants questions pertaining to the organization of annually landing on our shores. People territories and the admission of new who had once moved from the New Eng-States. land or Middle States westward, were rather fond of it, and many of these swelled the tide which constantly sought homes in the territories; and where these did not go in person their sons and daughters were quite willing to imitate the early adventures of their parents. All these counted for the North under the doctrine of "popular sovereignty," and it was the failure of that doctrine to aid the South which from this time forward caused that section to mistrust the friendship of Douglas.

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The Lincoln and Douglas Debate. The Senatorial term of Douglas was drawing near to its close, when in July, 1858, he left Washington to enter upon the canvass for re-election. The Republican State Convention of Illinois had in the month previous met at Springfield, and nominated Abraham Lincoln as a candidate for United States Senator, this with a view to pledge all Republican members of the Legislature to vote for him-a practice No political writer has since questioned since gone into disuse in most of the States, his motives, and we doubt if it can be done because of the rivalries which it engenders successfully. His views may have under- and the aggravation of the dangers of degone some change since 1850, and it would feat sure to follow in the selection of a canbe singular if they had not; for a mind as didate in advance. 'First get your goose, discerning as his could hardly fail to note then cook it," inelegantly describes the the changes going on all about him, and basic principles of improved political tacno where more rapidly than in his own tics. But the Republicans, particularly of State. He thought his doctrine at least the western part of Illinois, had a double adapted to the time, and he stood by it purpose in the selection of Lincoln. He with rare bravery and ability If it had was not as radical as they, but he well rebeen accepted by the Republicans, it would presented the growing Republican sentihave been fatal to their organization as a ment, and he best of all men could cope party. We doubt the ability of any party with Douglas on the stump in a canvass to stand long upon any mere compromise, which they desired should attract the atmade to suit the exigencies and avoid the tention of the Nation, and give shape to dangers of the moment. It may be said the sentiment of the North on all questions that our government, first based on a con- pertaining to slavery The doctrine of federacy and then a constitution, with a popular sovereignty" was not acceptable system of checks and balances, with a di- to the Republicans, the recent repeal of vision of power between the people and the Missouri compromise having led them, the States, is but a compromise; but the or the more radical portion of them, to assertion will not hold good. These things despise all compromise measures. were adopted because of a belief at the The plan of the Illinois Republicans, if

indeed it was a well-settled plan, accom- interest; but these things were dwarfed in plished even more than was anticipated, the State conflict, and those who shared though it did not result in immediate suc- such feelings had to make at least a show cess. It gave to the debate which followed of friendship until they saw the result. between Lincoln and Douglas a world-wide Lincoln was at first handicapped by the celebrity, and did more to educate and doubts of that class of Republicans who train the anti-slavery sentiment, taken in thought "popular sovereignty" not bad connection with the ever-growing excite- Republican doctrine. ment in Kansas, than anything that could have happened.

Lincoln's speech before the convention which nominated him, gave the first clear expression to the idea that there was an irrepressible conflict between freedom and slavery Wm. H. Seward on October 25th following, at Rochester, NY., expressed the same idea in these words:

"It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it means that the United States will sooner or later become either an entire slaveholding Nation, or an entirely free labor Nation." Lincolns words at Springfield, in July,

1858, were

On the arrival of Douglas he replied to Lincoln's Springfield speech; on the 16th he spoke at Bloomington, and on the 17th, in the afternoon, at Springfield. Lincoln had heard all three speeches, and replied to the last on the night of the day of its delivery He next addressed to Douglas the following challenge to debate:

CHICAGO, July 24th, 1858.

HON. S. A. DOUGLAS:-My Dear Sir:— Will it be agreeable to you to make an arrangement to divide time, and address the same audience, during the present canvass? etc. Mr. Judd is authorized to receive your answer, and if agreeable to you, to enter into terms of such agreement, etc.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

Douglas promptly accepted the challenge, and it was arranged that there should be seven joint debates, each alternately opening and closing, the opening speech to occupy one hour, the reply one hour and a half, and the closing half an hour. They spoke at Ottawa, August 21st; Freeport, August 27th; Jonesboro', September 15th; Charleston, September 18th; Galesburg, October 7th, Quincy, October 13th; and Alton, October 15th. We give in Book III of this volume their closing speeches in full.

It we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed object, and confident promise of putting an end to the-lavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free I do not expect the Union to be dissolved-I do not expect the house to fallbut I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the Great crowds attended, and some of the other. Either the opponents of slavery more enterprising daily journals gave phowill arrest the further spread of it, and nographic reports of the speeches. The place it where the public mind shall rest enthusiasm of the North soon ran in Linin the belief that it is in the course of ulti-coln's favor, though Douglas had hosts of mate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new-North as well as South."

friends, but then the growing and the aggressive party was the Republican, and even the novelty of a new and attractive doctrine like that of "popular sovereignty" Douglas arrived in Chicago on the 9th could not long divert their attention. The of July, and was warmly received by en- prize suspended in view of the combatthusiastic friends. His doctrine of "pop- ants was the United States Senatorship, ular sovereignty" had all the attractions and to close political observers this was of novelty and apparent fairness. For plainly within the grasp of Douglas by months it divided many Republicans, and reason of an apportionment which would at one time the New York Tribune showed give his party a majority in the Legisla indications of endorsing the position of ture, even though the popular majority Douglas a fact probably traceable to the should be twenty thousand against him— attitude of jealousy and hostility manifested a system of apportionment, by the way, toward him by the Buchanan administra- not confined to Illinois alone, or not pecution. Neither of the great debaters were liar to it in the work of any of the great par'to be wholly free in the coming contest. ties at any period when party lines were Douglas was undermined by Buchanan, drawn.

who feared him as a rival, and by the more Buchanan closely watched the fight, and bitter friends of slavery, who could not see it was charged and is still believed by the that the new doctrine was safely in their friends of the "Little Giant," that the

there were sharp questions and answers between the debaters. They were brought on by Lincoln, who, after alluding to some questions propounded to him at Ottawa, said:

administration secretly employed its patronage and power to defeat him. Certain it is that a few prominent Democrats deserted the standard of Douglas, and that some of them were rewarded. In the heat of the battle, however, Douglas' friends "I now propose that I will answer any were careless of the views of the adminis- of the interrogatories, upon condition that tration. He was a greater leader than he will answer questions from me not exBuchanan, and in Illinois at least he over-ceeding the same number, to which I give shadowed the administration. He lacked neither money nor friends. Special trains of cars, banners, cannon, bands, processions, were all supplied with lavish hands. The democracy of Illinois, nor yet of any other State, ever did so well before or since, and if the administration had been with him this enthusiasm might have spread to all other States and given his doctrine a larger and more glorious life. Only the border States of the South, however, saw opportunity and glory in it, while the office-holders in other sections stood off and awaited results.

him an opportunity to respond. The judge remains silent; I now say that I will answer his interrogatories, whether he answer mine or not, and that after I have done so I shall propound mine to him.

"I have supposed myself, since the organization of the Republican party at Bloomington in May, 1856, bound as a party man by the platforms of the party, there, and since. If, in any interrogatories which I shall answer, I go beyond the scope of what is within these platforms, it will be perceived that no one is responsible but myself.

Lincoln's position was different. He, doubtless, early realized that his chances for election were remote indeed, with the apportionment as it was, and he sought to impress the nation with the truth of his convictions, and this without other display than the force of their statement and publication. Always a modest man, he was never more so than in this great battle. He declared that he did not care for the local result, and in the light of what transpired, the position was wisely taken. Douglas was apparently just as earnest, though more ambitious; for he declared in the vehemence of the advocacy of his doctrine, that "he did not care whether Q. 2.-Ï desire him to answer whether slavery was voted up or voted down." he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, Douglas had more to lose than Lincoln- against the admission of any more slave a place which his high abilities had hon-States into the Union, even if the people ored in the United States Senate, and want them? which intriguing enemies in his own party made him doubly anxious to hold. Beaten, and he was out of the field for the Presidency, with his enthroned rival a candidate for re-election. Successful, and that rival must leave the field, with himself in direct command of a great majority of the party. This view must have then been presented, but the rapid rise in public feeling made it in part incorrect. The calculation of Douglas that he could at one and the same time retain the good will of all his political friends in Illinois and those of the South failed him, though he did at the time, and until his death, better represent the majority of his party in the whole country than any other leader.

Having said thus much, I will take up the judge's interrogatories as I find them printed in the Chicago Times, and answer them seriatim. In order that there may be no mistake about it, I have copied the interrogatories in writing, and also my answers to them. The first one of these interrogatories is in these words :

Question 1.-I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law?

Answer-I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law.

At the election which followed the debate, the popular choice in the State as a whole was for Lincoln by 126,084 to 121,940 for Douglas; but the apportionment of 1850 gave to Douglas a plain majority of the Senators and Representatives.

At the Freeport meeting, August 27th,

A. I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more slave States into the Union.

Q. 3-I want to know, whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of the State may see fit to make?

A.-I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of the State may see fit to make.

Q. 4.-I want to know whether he stands to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia?

A.-I do not stand to-day pledged to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia.

Q. 5.-I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave trade between the different States?

A.-I do not stand pledged to prohibition of the slave trade between the different States.

Q. 6.-I desire to know whether he inhabitants, according to the English bill stands pledged to prohibit slavery in all-some ninety-three thousand-will he the Territories of the United States, North | vote to admit them?

as well as South of the Missouri Compro- 2. Can the people of the United States mise line? Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution?

A-I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the RIGHT and DUTY of Congress to prohibit slavery in all of the United States' Territories.

Q. 7.—I desire him to answer, whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any new territory, unless slavery is first prohibited therein?

1.-I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of territory; and in any given case, I would or would not oppose such acquisition, according as I might think such acquisition would or would not aggravate the slavery question among ourselves.

3. If the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that States cannot exclude slavery from their limits, are you in favor of acquiescing in, adopting and following such decision as a rule of political action?

4. Are you in favor of acquiring additional territory in disregard of how much acquisition may affect the nation on the slavery question?

To these questions Mr. Douglas said: "Now, my friends, it will be perceived "In reference to Kansas, it is my opinion upon an examination of these questions that, as she has population enough to conand answers, that so far, I have only an-stitute a slave State, she has people enough swered that I was not pledged to this, that, or the other.

for a free State. I hold it to be a sacred rule of universal application, to require a Territory to contain the requisite population for a member of Congress, before it is admitted as a State into the Union.

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The judge has not framed his interrogatories to ask me anything more than this and I have answered in strict accordance with the interrogatories, and have answered 2. It matters not what way the Supreme truly, that I am not pledged at all upon Court may hereafter decide, as to the abany of the points to which I have an-stract question whether slavery may or swered. But I am not disposed to hang may not go into a Territory under the upon the exact form of his interrogatories. Constitution, the people have the lawful I am rather disposed to take up, at least means to introduce it, or exclude it as they some of these questions, and state what I please, for the reason that slavery cannot really think upon them. exist a day, or an hour, anywhere, unless "The fourth one is in regard to the abo- it is supported by local police regulations. lition of slavery in the District of Colum- These police regulations can only be estabbia. In relation to that, I have my mind lished by the local legislature, and if the very distinctly made up. I should be very people are opposed to slavery, they will glad to see slavery abolished in the Dis-elect representatives to that body, who will, trict of Columbia. I believe that Congress by unfriendly legislation, effectually prepossesses the constitutional power to abolish vent the introduction of it into their midst. it. Yet, as a member of Congress, I should If, on the contrary, they are for it, their not, with my present views, be in favor of legislation will favor its extension. Hence, endeavoring to abolish slavery in the Dis- no matter what the decision of the Sutrict of Columbia, unless it should be upon preme Court may be on that abstract these conditions: FIRST, That the aboli-question, still the right of the people to tion should be gradual; SECOND, That it make a slave Territory or a free Terrishould be on a vote of a majority of quali-tory is perfect and complete under the fied voters in the District; and THIRD, Nebraska bill. That compensation should be made to unwilling owners. With these three conditions, I confess I would be exceedingly glad to see Congress abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the language of Henry Clay, 'sweep from our Capital that foul blot upon our nation.'" I now proceed to propound to the judge the interrogatories, so far as I have framed them. I will bring forward a new instalment when I get them ready I will bring now only four. The first one is :1. If the people of Kansas shall, by means entirely unobjectionable in all other respects, adopt a State Constitution and ask admission into the Union under it before they have the requisite number of

"3. The third question which Mr. Lincoln presented is, if the Supreme Court of the United States shall decide that a State of this Union cannot exclude slavery from its own limits, will I submit to it? I am amazed that Mr. Lincoln should ask such a question.

He casts an imputation upon the Supreme Court of the United States by supposing that they would violate the constitution of the United States. I tell him that such a thing is not possible. It would be an act of moral treason that no man on the bench could ever descend to. Mr. Lincoln, himself, would never, in his partisan feelings, so far forget what was right as to be guilty of such an act.

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