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as events are now moving, it will not re-fever from exposure to the hot sun at a celeguire the South to secede to dissolve the bration of Independence Day, from which Union. * If the agitation goes he died four days afterwards. He was a on, nothing will be left to hold the States man of irreproachable private character, together except force." He answered the undoubted patriotism, and established requestion, He can the Union be saved? putation for judgment and firmness. His with which his speech opened, by suggest- brief career showed no deficiency of poliing. To provide for the insertion of a tical wisdom nor want of political training. provision in the constitution, by an amend- His administration was beset with difficulneut, which will restore to the South in ties, with momentous questions pending, substance the power she possessed of pro- and he met the crisis with firmness and tecting herself, before the equilibrium be- determination, resolved to maintain the tween the sections was destroyed by the Federal Union at all hazards. His first action of the government." He did not and only annual message, the leading sate of what the amendment should con- points of which have been stated, evinces si-t, but later on, it was ascertained from a spirit to do what was right among all the reliable sources that his idea was a dual States. His death was a public calamity. exe-utive-one President from the free, No man could have been more devoted to and one from the slave States, the consent the Union nor more opposed to the slavery of both of whom should be required to all agitation; and his position as a Southern acts of Congress before they become laws. man and a slaveholder-his military repuThis speech of Mr. Calhoun's, is import- tation, and his election by a majority of ant as explaining many of his previous ac- the people as well as of the States, would tions; and as furnishing a guide to those have given him a power in the settlement who ten years afterwards attempted to of the pending questions of the day which carry out practically the suggestions no President without these qualifications thrown out by him. could have possessed.

Mr. Clay's compromise bill was rejected. It was evident that no compromise of any kind whatever on the subject of slavery, under any one of its aspects separately, much less under all put together, could possibly be made. There was no spirit of concession manifested. The numerous measures put together in Mr. Clay's bill were disconnected and separated. Each measure received a separate and independent consideration, and with a result which showed the injustice of the attempted conjunction; for no two of them were passed by the same vote, even of the members of the committee which had even unanimously reported favorably upon them as a whole.

Mr. Calhoun died in the spring of 1850; before the separate bill for the admission of California was taken up. His death took place at Washington, he having reached the age of 68 years. A eulogy upon him was delivered in the Senate by his colleague, Mr. Butler, of South Carolina. Mr. Calhoun was the first great advocate of the doctrine of secession. He was the author of the nullification doctrine, and an advocate of the extreme doctrine of States Rights. He was an eloquent speaker-a man of strong intellect. His speeches were plain, strong, concise, sometimes impassioned, and always severe. Daniel Webster said of him, that "he had the basis, the indispensable basis of all high characters, and that was unspotted integrity, unimpeached honor and char

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In accordance with the Constitution, the office of President thus devolved upon the Vice-President, Mr. Millard Fillmore, who was duly inaugurated July 10, 1850. The new cabinet, with Daniel Webster as Secretary of State, was duly appointed and confirmed by the Senate.

The bill for the admission of California as a State in the Union, was called up in the Senate and sought to be amended by extending the Missouri Compromise line through it, to the Pacific Ocean, so as to authorize slavery in the State below that line. The amendment was introduced and pressed by Southern friends of the late Mr. Calhoun, and made a test question. It was lost, and the bill passed by a twothird vote; whereupon ten Southern Senators offered a written protest, the concluding clause of which was: "We dissent from this bill, and solemnly protest against its passage, because in sanctioning measures so contrary to former precedents, to obvious policy, to the spirit and intent of the constitution of the United States, for the purpose of excluding the slaveholding States from the territory thus to be erected into a State, this government in effect declares that the exclusion of slavery from the territory of the United States is an object so high and important as to justify a disregard not only of all the principles of sound policy, but also of the constitution itself. Against this conclusion we must now and for ever protest, as it is destructive of the safety and liberties of those whose rights have been committed to our care, fatal to the peace and equality of the States which we represent, and must lead, if persisted in, to the dissolution of that

confederacy, in which the slaveholding | appearance in national politics in 1840, when States have never sought more than a residential ticket was nominated by a equality, and in which they will not be party then formed favoring the abolition of content to remain with less." On objection being made, followed by debate, the Senate refused to receive the protest, or permit it to be entered on the Journal. The bill went to the House of Representatives, was readily passed, and promptly approved by the President. Thus was virtually accomplished the abrogation of the Missouri compromise line; and the extension or non-extension of slavery was then made to form a foundation for future political parties.

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slavery; it had a very slight following which was increased ten-fold at the elec tion of 1841 when the same party again put a ticket in the field with James G. Birney of Michigan, as its candidate for the Presidency; who received 62,140 votes. The efforts of the leaders of that faction were continued, and persisted in to such an extent, that when in 1848 it nominated a ticket with Gerritt Smith for President, against the Democratic candidate, Martin Van Buren, the former received 296,232 The year 1850 was prolific with disunion votes. In the presidential contest of 1852 movements in the Southern States. The the abolition party again nominated a Senators who had joined with Mr. Calhoun ticket, with John P Hale as its candidate in the address to the people, in 1849, for President, and polled 157,926 votes. united with their adherents in establishing This large following was increased from at Washington a newspaper entitled "The time to time, until uniting with a new Southern Press," devoted to the agitation party then formed, called the Republican of the slavery question; to presenting the party, which latter adopted a platform enadvantages of disunion, and the organi- dorsing the views and sentiments of the zation of a confederacy of Southern abolitionists, the great and decisive battle States to be called the United States for the principles involved, was fought in South." Its constant aim was to influence the ensuing presidential contest of 1856; the South against the North, and advoca- when the candidate of the Republican ted concert of action by the States of the party, John C. Fremont, supported by the former section. It was aided in its efforts entire abolition party, polled 1,341,812 by newspapers published in the South, votes. The first national platform of the more especially in South Carolina and Abolition party, upon which it went into Mississippi. A disunion convention was actually held, in Nashville, Tennessee, and invited the assembly of a Southern Congress. Two States, South Carolina and Mississippi responded to the appeal; passed laws to carry it into effect, and the Following the discussion of the subject of former went so far as to elect its quota of slavery, in the Senate and House of RepreRepresentatives to the proposed new sentatives, brought about by the presentaSouthern Congress. These occurrences tion of petitions and memorials, and the are referred to as showing the spirit that passage of the resolutions in 1836 rejecting prevailed, and the extraordinary and un-such petitions, the question was again justifiable means used by the leaders to mislead and exasperate the people. The assembling of a Southern "Congress" was a turning point in the progress of disunion. Georgia refused to join; and her weight as a great Southern State was sufficient to cause the failure of the scheme. But the seeds of discord were sown, and had taken root, only to spring up at a future time when circumstances should be more favorable to the accomplishment of the object.

the contest of 1840, favored the abolition of slavery in the District of Colu:nbia and Territories; the inter-state slave trade, and a general opposition to slavery to the full extent of constitutional power.

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raised by the presentation in the House, by Mr. Slade of Vermont, on the 20th December 1837, of two memorials praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and moving that they be referred to a select committee. Great excitement prevailed in the chamber, and of the many attempts by the Southern members an adjournment was had. The next day a resolution was offered that thereafter all such petitions and memorials touching the abolition of slavery should, when presented, be laid on the table; which resolution was adopted by a large vote. During the 24th Congress, the Senate pursued the course of laying on the table the motion to receive all abolition petitions; and both Houses during the 25th Congress continued the same course of conduct; when finally on the 25th of January 1840, the House adopted by a vote of 114 to 108, an amendment to the rules, called the 21st Rule, which provided:-" that no petition, memorial or resolution, or other paper, pray

Although the Congress of the United States had in 1790 and again in 1836 formally declared the policy of the government to be non-interference with the States in respect to the matter of slavery within the limits of the respective States, the subject continued to be agitated in consequence of petitions to Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, which was under the exclusive control of the federal government; and of movements throughout the United States to limit, and finally abolish it. The subject first made its

ing the abolition of slavery in the District The first political parties in the United of Columbia, or any state or territory, or States, from the establishment of the fedethe slave-trade between the States or ter-ral government and for many years afterritories of the United States, in which it wards, were denominated Federalists and now exists, shall be received by this Democrats, or Democratic Republicans. House, or entertained in any way what-The former was an anti-alien party. The ever." This rule was afterwards, on the latter was made up to a large extent of 3d of December, 1844, rescinded by the naturalized foreigners; refugees from EngHouse, on motion of Mr J Quincy Adams, land, Ireland and Scotland, driven from by a vote of 108 to 80; and a motion to home for hostility to the government or for re-instate it, on the 1st of December 1815, attachment to France. Naturally, aliens was rejected by a vote of 84 to 121. sought alliance with the Democratic party, Within five years afterwards-on the 17th which favored the war against Great September 1850,-the Congress of the Britain. The early party contests were United States enacted a law, which was ap-based on the naturalization laws; the first proved by the President, abolishing slavery of which, approved March 26, 1790, rein the District of Columbia. quired only two years' residence in this On the 25th of February, 1850, there country; a few years afterwards the time was presented in the House of Representa- was extended to five years; and in 1798 tives, two petitions from citizens of Penn- the Federalists taking advantage of the sylvania and Delaware, setting forth that war fever against France, and then being slavery, and the constitution which per- in power, extended the time to fourteen mits it, violates the Divine law; is incon-years. (See Alien and Sedition Laws of 8.stent with republican principles; that 1798). its existence has brought evil upon the country, and that no union can exist with States which tolerate that institution; and asking that some plan be devised for the immeliate, peaceful dissolution of the Union. The House refused to receive and consider the petitions; as did also the Senate when the same petitions were pre-trol of the city government, and to meet sented the same month.

Jefferson's election and Democratic victory of 1800, brought the period back to five years in 1802, and re-inforced the Democratic party The city of New York, especially, from time to time became filled with foreigners; thus naturalized; brought into the Democratic ranks; and crowded out native Federalists from con

this condition of affairs, the first attempt

The presidential election of 1852 was the at a Native American organization was last campaign in which the Whig party made. Beginning in 1835; ending in appeared in National politics. It nomi- failure in election of Mayor in 1837, it was nated a ticket with General Winfield Scott revived in April, 1844, when the Native as its candidate for President. His oppo- American organization carried New York nent on the Democratic ticket was General city for its Mayoralty candidate by a good❤ Franklin Pierce. A third ticket was placed majority The success of the movement in the field by the Abolition party, with there, caused it to spread to New Jersey John P Hale as its candidate for Presi- and Pennsylvania. In Philadelphia, it was dent. The platform and declaration of desperately opposed by the Democratic, principles of the Whig party was in sub- Irish and Roman Catholic element, and so stance a ratification and endorsement of furiously, that it resulted in riots, in which the several measures embraced in Mr. two Romish Churches were burned and Clay's compromise resolutions of the pre- destroyed. The adherents of the Amerivious session of Congress, before referred can organization were not confined to to; and the policy of a revenue for the Federalists or Whigs, but largely of native economical administration of the govern- Democrats; and the Whigs openly voted ment, to be derived mainly from duties on with Democratic Natives in order to secure imports, and by these means to afford pro- their vote for Henry Clay for the Presitection to American industry. The main dency; but when in November, 1844, New plank of the platform of the Abolition York and Philadelphia both gave Native party (or Independent Democrats, as they majorities, and so sapped the Whig vote, were called) was for the non-extension and that both places gave majorities for the gradual extinction of slavery. The Demo- Democratic Presidential electors, the cratic party equally adhered to the com- Whigs drew off. In 1845, at the April promise measure. The election resulted election in New York, the natives were in the choice of Franklin Pierce, by a defeated, and the new party disappeared popular vote of 1,601,474, and 254 electoral there. As a result of the autumn election votes, against a popular aggregate vote of of 1844, the 29th Congress, which organ1,542,403 (of which the abolitionists polled ized in December, 1845, had six Native 157,926) and 42 electoral votes, for the Representatives; four from New York and Whig and Abolition candidates. Mr. two from Pennsylvania. In the 30th ConPierce was duly inaugurated as President, gress, Pennsylvania had one. Thereafter for some years, with the exception of a

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small vote in Pennsylvania and New York, Nativism disappeared. An able writer of that day-Hon. A. H. H. Stuart, of Virginia-published under the nom-de-plume of "Madison" several letters in vindication | of the American party (revived in 1852,) in which he said: "The vital principle of the American party is Americanism-developing itself in a deep-rooted attachment to our own country-its constitution, its union, and its laws-to American men, and American measures, and American interests-or, in other words, a fervent patriotismwhich, rejecting the transcendental philanthropy of abolitionists, and that kindred batch of wild enthusiasts, who would seek to embroil us with foreign countries, in righting the wrongs of Ireland, or Hungary, or Cuba-would guard with vestal vigilance American institutions and American interests against the baneful effects of foreign influence."

the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. The bill was tabled in the Senate; to be revived at the following session. In the Senate it was amended, on motion of Mr. Douglas, to read : "That so much of the 8th section of an act approved March 6, 1820, (the Missouri compromise) *** which, being inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention by Congress with slavery in the States and Territories, as recognized by the legislature of 1850, commonly called the Compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." It was further amended, on motion of Senator Clayton, to prohibit "alien suffrage." In the House this amendment was not agreed to; and the bill finally passed without it, on the 25th May, 1854.

So far as Nebraska was concerned, no excitement of any kind marked the initiation of her territorial existence. The persons who emigrated there seemed to regard the pursuits of business as of more interest than the discussion of slavery. Kansas was less fortunate. Her territory became at once the battle-field of a fierce political conflict between the advocates of

About 1852, when the question of slavery in the territories, and its extension or its abolition in the States, was agitated and causing sectional differences in the country, many Whigs and Democrats forsook their parties, and took sides on the questions of the day This was aggravated by the large number of alien naturalized citizens constantly added to the ranks of voters, who took sides with the Democrats and against the Whigs. Nativism then re-appeared, but in a new form-that of a secret fraternity. Its real name and objects were not revealed-even to its mem-slavery, and the free soil men from the bers, until they reached a high degree in North who went there to resist the estabthe order; and the answer of members on lishment of that institution in the terribeing questioned on these subjects was, "I tory Differences arose between the don't know"-which gave it the popular Legislature and the Governor, brought name, by which it is yet known, of "Know- about by antagonisms between the Pronothing." Its moving causes were the slavery party and the Free State party; growing power and designs of the Roman and the condition of affairs in Kansas Catholic Church in America; the sudden assumed so frightful a mien in January influx of aliens; and the greed and inca- 1856, that the President sent a special pacity of naturalized citizens for office. message to Congress on the subject, Its cardinal principle was: "Americans January 24, 1856; followed by a Proclamamust rule America"; and its countersign tion, February 11, 1856, "warning all unwas the order of General Washington on a lawful combinations (in the territory) to critical occasion during the war: "Put retire peaceably to their respective abodes, none but Americans on guard to-night." or he would use the power of the local Its early nominations were not made pub- militia, and the available forces of the lic, but were made by select committees United States to disperse them." and conventions of delegates. At first Several applications were made to Conthese nominations were confined to selec-gress for several successive years, for the tions of the best Whig or best Democrat on admission of Kansas as a state in the the respective tickets; and the choice not Union; upon the basis of three separate being made known, but quietly voted for and distinct constitutions, all differing as by all the members of the order, the effect to the main questions at issue between the was only visible after election, and threw contending factions. The name of Kansas all calculation into chaos. For a while it was for some years synonymous_with_all was really the arbiter of elections. that is lawless and anarchical. Elections On February 8, 1853, a bill passed the became mere farces, and the officers thus House of Representatives providing a ter- fraudulently placed in power, used their ritorial government for Nebraska, embrac- authority only for their own or their ing all of what is now Kansas and party's interest. The party opposed to Nebraska. It was silent on the subject of slavery at length triumphed; a constitution

excluding slavery was adopted in 1859, and Kansas was admitted into the Union January 29, 1861

cise of its local and reserved sovereignty, may place foreigners or other persons on a footing with its own citizens, as to political rights and privileges to be enjoyed within its own dominion. But State regulations of this character do not make the persons on whom such rights are conferred citizens of the United States or entitle them to the privileges and immunities of citizens in another State. Sce 5 Wheaton, (U S. Supreme Court Reports), page 49.

Under the fugitive slave law, which was passed by Congress at the session of 1850, as one of the Compromise measures, introduced by Mr. Clay, a long and exciting litigation occurred to test the validity and constitutionality of the act, and the several laws on which it depended. The suit was instituted by Dred Scott, a negro slave, in the Circuit Court of the United States for The Court said in The Dred Scott case, the District of Missouri, in April Term, above referred to, that:-"The right of 1854, against John F A. Sanford, his property in a slave is distinctly and exalle ed owner, for trespass vi et armis, in pressly affirmed in the Constitution. The holding the plaintiff and his wife and right to traffic in it like the ordinary article daughters in slavery in said District of of merchandise and property was guarMissouri, where by law slavery was pro-antied to the citizens of the United States, hibited; they having been previously faw-in every State that might desire it for fully held in slavery by a former owner- twenty years, and the government in exDr Emerson-in the State of Illinois, from whence they were taken by him to Missouri, and sold to the defendent, Sanford. The case went up on appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States, and was clearly and elaborately argued. The majority opinion, delivered by Chief Justice Taney as also the dissenting opinions, are reported in full in Howard's U. S. Supreme Court Reports, Volume 19, page 393.

is not warranted by the Constitution and is therefore void; and that neither Dred Scott himself, nor any of his family were made free by being carried into this territory; even if they had been carried there by the owner with the intention of becoming a permanent resident." The abolition of slavery by the 13th amendment to the Constitution of the United States ratified and adopted December 18, 1865, has put an end to these discussions formerly so numerous.

press terms is pledged to protect it in all future time if the slave escapes from his owner. This is done in plain words-too plain to be misunderstood, and no word can be found in the Constitution which gives Congress a greater power over slave property, or which entitles property of that kind to less protection than the property of any other description. The only power conferred is the power coupled with In respect to the territories the Con- the duty of guarding and protecting the stitution grants to Congress the power "to owner in his rights. Upon these consideramake all needful rules and regulations tions, it is the opinion of the Court that concerning the territory and other property the Act of Congress which prohibited a belonging to the United States." The citizen from holding and owning property Court was of opinion that the clause of of this kind in the territory of the United the Constitution applies only to the terri-States north of the line therein mentioned, tory within the original States at the time the Constitution was adopted, and that it did not apply to future territory acquired by treaty or conquest from foreign nations. They were also of opinion that the power of Congress over such future territorial acquisitions was not unlimited, that the citizens of the States migrating to a territory were not to be regarded as colonists, subject to absolute power in Congress, but as citizens of the United States, with all the rights of citizenship guarantied by the Constitution, and that As early as 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska no legislation was constitutional which at- controversy on the territorial government tempted to deprive a citizen of his bill, resulted in a division of the Whig property on his becoming a resident of a party in the North. Those not sufficiently territory. This question in the case arose opposed to slavery to enter the new Repubunder the act of Congress prohibiting lican party, then in its incipiency, allied slavery in the territory of upper Louisiana, themselves with the Know-Nothing order, (acquired from France, afterwards the which now accepting the name of AmeriState), and of which the territory of can party established a separate and inMissouri was formed. Any obscurity as dependent political existence. The party to what constitutes citizenship, will be re- had no hold in the West; it was entirely moved by attending to the distinction be- Middle State at this time, and polled a tween local rights of citizenship of the large vote in Massachusetts, Delaware and United States according to the Constitu- New York. In the State elections of 1855 tion. Citizenship at large in the sense of the American party made a stride Souththe Constitution can be conferred on a ward. In 1855, the absence of naturalforeigner only by the naturalization laws ized citizens was universal in the South, of Congress. But each State, in the exer. and even so late as 1881 the proportion of

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