HISTORY

OF THE

POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE UNITED STATES.

traded were compelled to do it with England. In 1672 inter-colonial duties were imposed, and when manufacturing sought to flank this policy, their establishment was forbidden by law.

Colonial Parties-Whig and Tory. The parties peculiar to our Colonial times hardly have a place in American politics. They divided people in sentiment simply, as they did in the mother country, but here there was little or no The passage of the Stamp Act in 1765 power to act, and were to gather results caused high excitement, and for the first from party victories. Men were then time parties began to take definite shape Whigs or Tories because they had been and manifest open antagonisms, and the prior to their emigration here, or because words Whig and Tory then had a plainer their parents had been, or because it has meaning in America than in England. ever been natural to show division in in- The Stamp Act was denounced by the dividual sentiment. Political contests, Whigs as direct taxation, since it provided, however, were unknown, for none enjoyed that stamps previously paid for should be the pleasures and profits of power, the affixed to all legal papers. The colonies crown made and unmade rulers. The resented, and so general were the protests local self-government which our fore- that for a time it seemed that only those fathers enjoyed, were secured to them by who owed their livings to the Crown, or their charters, and these were held to be expected aid and comfort from it, recontracts not to be changed without the mained with the Tories. The Whigs were consent of both parties. All of the inhabi- the patriots. The war for the rights of tants of the colonies claimed and were the colonies began in 1775, and it was justly entitled to the rights guaranteed by supported by majorities in all of the Cothe Magna Charta, and in addition to lonial Assemblies. These majorities were these they insisted upon the supervision of as carefully organized then as now to proall internal interests and the power to levy mote a popular cause, and this in the face and collect taxes. These claims were con- of adverse action on the part of the sevceded until their growing prosperity and eral Colonial Governors. Thus in VirEngland's need of additional revenues ginia, Lord Dunmore had from time to suggested schemes of indirect taxation. time, until 1773, prorogued the Virginia Against these the colony of Plymouth pro- Assembly, when it seized the opportunity tested as early as 1636, and spasmodic pro- to pass resolves instituting a committee of tests from all the colonies followed. These correspondence, and recommending joint increased in frequency and force with the growing demands of King George III. In 1651 the navigation laws imposed upon the colonies required both exports and imports to be carried in British ships, and all who

action by the legislatures of the other colonies. In the next year, the same body, under the lead of Henry, Randolph, Lee, Washington, Wythe and other patriots, officially deprecated the closing of the

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though some were sent by the popular branches of the colonial legislatures. In July, and soon after the commencement of hostilities, Georgia entered the Confederacy

port of Boston, and set apart a day to implore Divine interposition in behalf of the Colonies. The Governor dissolved the House for this act, and the delegates, 89 in number, repaired to a tavern, organized themselves into a committee, signed arti- The Declaration of Independence, passed cles of association, and advised with other in 1776, drew yet plainer lines between the colonial committees the expediency of Whigs and Tories. A gulf of hatred sepa"appointing deputies to meet in a general rated the opposing parties, and the Tory correspondence"-really a suggestion for was far more despised than the open foe, a Congress. The idea of a Congress, how- when he was not such, and was the first ever, originated with Doctor Franklin the sought when he was. Men who contend year before, and it had then been approved for liberty ever regard those who are not by town meetings in Providence, Boston for them as against them-a feeling which and New York. The action of Virginia led to the expression of a political maxim lifted the proposal above individual advice of apparent undying force, for it has since and the action of town meetings, and found frequent repetition in every earnest called to it the attention of all the colo- campaign. After the adoption of the Denial legislatures. It was indeed fortunate in the incipiency of these political movements, that the people were practically unanimous. Only the far-seeing realized the drift and danger, while nearly all could join their voices against oppressive taxes and imposts.

claration by the Continental Congress, the Whigs favored the most direct and absolute separation, while the Tories supported the Crown. On the 7th of June, 1776, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, moved the Declaration in these words:

all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved."

"Resolved, That these united colonies are, The war went on for colonial rights, the and of right ought to be, free and indepen Whigs wisely insisting that they were wil-dent states; that they are absolved from ling to remain as colonists if their rights should be guaranteed by the mother country; the Tories, chiefly fed by the Crown, were willing to remain without guarantee -a negative position, and one which in the high excitement of the times excited little attention, save where the holders of such views made themselves odious by the enjoyment of high official position, or by harsh criticism upon, or treatment of the patriots.

Then followed preparations for the formal declaration, which was adopted on the 4th of July, 1776, in the precise language submitted by Thomas Jefferson. All of the state papers of the Continental Congress evince the highest talent, and the evils which led to its exhibition must have been long but very impatiently endured to impel the study of the questions involved. Possibly only the best lives in our memory invite our perusal, but certain it is that higher capacity was never called to the performance of graver political duties in the history of the world.

The first Continental Congress assembled in Philadelphia in September, 1774, and there laid the foundations of the Republic. While its assemblage was first recommended by home meetings, the cause, as already shown, was taken up by the assemblies of Massachusetts and Virginia. Georgia alone was not represented. The It has been said that the Declaration is members were called delegates, who de-in imitation of that published by the Uniclared in their official papers that they were "appointed by the good people of these colonies." It was called the revolutionary government," because it derived its power from the people, and not from the functionaries of any existing government. In it each colony was allowed but a single vote, regardless of the number of delegates, and here began not only the unit rule, but the practice which obtains in the election of a President when the contest reaches, under the constitution and law, the National House of Representatives. The original object was to give equality to the colonies as colonies.

In 1775, the second Continental Congress assembled at Philadelphia, all the colonies being again represented save Georgia. The delegates were chosen principally by conventions of the people,

ted Netherlands, but whether this be true or false, the liberty-loving world has for more than a century accepted it as the best protest against oppression known to political history A great occasion conspired with a great author to make it grandly great.

Dr. Franklin, as early as July, 1775, first prepared a sketch of articles of confederation between the colonies, to continue until their reconciliation with Great Britain, and in failure thereof to be perpetual. John Quincy Adams says this plan was never discussed in Congress. June 11, 1776, a committee was appointed to prepare the force of a colonial confederation, and the day following one member from each colony was appointed to perform the duty. The report was submitted, laid aside August 20, 1776, taken up April 7,

Strong Government Whigs

1777, and debated from time to time until | by the struggles for independence, the November 15th, of the same year, when Whigs, who of course greatly outnumbered the report was agreed to. It was then all others during the Revolution, naturally submitted to the legislatures of the several divided in sentiment, though their divistates, these being advised to authorize sions were not sufficiently serious to excite their delegates in Congress to ratify the the establishment of rival parties-somesame. On the 25th of June, 1778, the rat-thing which the great majority of our foreification was ordered to be engrossed and fathers were too wise to think of in time of signed by the delegates. Those of New war. When the war closed, however, and Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode the question of establishing the Union was Island, Connecticut, New York, Penn- brought clear to the view of all, one class sylvania, Virginia and South Carolina of the Whigs believed that state governsigned July 9th, 1778; those of North Car-ment should be supreme, and that no cenolina July 21st; Georgia July 24th; Jersey tral power should have sufficient authority November 26th, same year; Delaware to coerce a state, or keep it to the comFebruary 22d and May 5th, 1779. Mary-pact against its will. All accepted the land refused to ratify until the question of idea of a central government; all realized the conflicting claims of the Union and the necessity of union, but the fear that of the separate States to the property of the states would lose their power, or surthe crown-lands should be adjusted. This render their independence was very great, was accomplished by the cession of the and this fear was more naturally shown by lands in dispute to the United States, and both the larger and the smaller states. This Maryland signed March 1st, 1781. On class of thinkers were then called Particthe 2d of March, Congress assembled un- ularists. Their views were opposed by der the new powers, and continued to act the for the Confederacy until the 4th of March, 1789, the date of the organization of the government under the Federal constitution. Our political life has therefore three who argued that local self-government was periods, "the revolutionary government,' the confederation," and that of the "fed-petuation of political freedom, and that it inadequate to the establishment and pereral constitution," which still obtains. afforded little or no power to successfully The federal constitution is the result of resist foreign invasion. Some of these the labors of a convention called at Phila- went so far as to favor a government patdelphia in May, 1787, at a time when itterned after that of England, save that it was feared by many that the Union was should be republican in name and spirit. in the greatest danger, from inability to The essential differences, if they can be repay soldiers who had, in 1783, been dis-duced to two sentences, were these: The banded on a declaration of peace and an Particularist Whigs desired a government acknowledgment of independence; from republican in form and democratic in prostration of the public credit and faith spirit, with rights of local self-government of the nation; from the neglect to provide and state rights ever uppermost. The for the payment of even the interest on Strong Government Whigs desired a govthe public debt; and from the disappoint- ernment republican in form, with checks ed hopes of many who thought freedom upon the impulses or passions of the peodid not need to face responsibilities. A ple; liberty, sternly regulated by law, and large portion of the convention of 1787 that law strengthened and confirmed by still clung to the confederacy of the states, central authoriy-the authority of the naand advocated as a substitute for the con- tional government to be final in appeals. stitution a revival of the old articles of confederation with additional powers to confederation was acknowledged by many As we have stated, the weakness of the Congress. A long discussion followed, men, and the majority, as it proved to be and a most able one, but a constitution for after much the people, embodying a division of legis- thought it too imperfect to amend. The agitation and discussion lative, judicial and executive powers pre-power of the confederacy was not acknowvailed, and the result is now daily wit-edged by the states, its congress not renessed in the federal constitution. While spected by the people. Its requisitions the revolutionary war lasted but seven years, the political revolution incident to, identified with and directing it, lasted thirteen years. This was completed on the 30th of April, 1789, the day on which Washington was inaugurated as the first President under the federal constitution.

be successfully regulated; foreign nations were disregarded, foreign trade could not refused to bind themselves by commercial treaties, and there was a rapid growth of jealousies between the several states. Those which were fortunate enough, independent of congress, to possess or secure ports for domestic or foreign comAs questions of government were evolved | merce, taxed the imports of their ser

The Particularists.

states. There was confusion which must our political history must ever be impressed soon have approached violence, for no with the fact that changes and reforms authority beyond the limits of the state ever moved slowly, and that those of slowwas respiceted, and Congress was notably est growth seem to abide the longest. powerless in its attempts to command aid

from the states to meet the payment of

war debt, or the interest thereon. In

~ cad of general respect for there was almost general disregard of law on the part legislative bodies, and the people were rot slow in imitating their representatives. Civil strife became imminent, and Shay's hebellion in Massachusetts was the first warlike manitestation of the spirit which was abroad in the land.

The Federal and Anti-Federal Parties.

This struggle for the first time gave the Federalists an admitted majority. The complexion of the State legislature prior to it showed them in fact to be in a minority, and the Particularist Whigs, or Anti-Federals opposed every preliminary step looking to the abandonment of the Articles of Confederation and the adoption

The Strong Government Whigs, on the submission of the constitution of 1787 to Congress and the legislatures, and indirectly through the latter to the people, who elect the members on this issue, became the Federal party, and all of its power was used to promote the ratification of the inAlive to the new dangers, the Assembly strument. Its ablest men, headed by of Virginia in 1786, appointed commis- Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, peners to invite all the states to take part advocated adoption before the people, and in a convention for the consideration of their pens supplied much of the current questions of commerce, and the propriety political literature of that day Eightyaltering the Articles of Confederation. five essays, still noted and quoted for their This convention met at Annapolis, Sept.ability, under the nom de plume of "Pub11th, 176. But five states sent representa- lius," were published in "The Federalist.” tes the others regarding the movement They were written by Hamilton, Madison with jealousy This convention, however, and Jay, and with irresistible force advoedopted a report which urged the appoint-cated the Federal constitution, which was ment of commissioners by all the states, ratified by the nine needed states, and “to devise such other provisions as shall, Congress was officially informed of the fact to them seem necessary to render the con-July 2d, 1788, and the first Wednesday in dition of the Federal government adequate March, 1789, was fixed as the time "for to the exigencies of the Union; and to re- commencing proceedings under the conrt such an act for that purpose to the stitution." in ted States in Congress assembled, as, when agreed to by them and afterwards confirmed by the legislatures of every state. will electually provide for the same Congress approved this action, and passed resolutions favoring a meeting in convention for the "sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation, and report to Congress and the State legisla-of a Federal constitution. They were tures." The convention met in Philadel- called Anti-Federals because they opposed phic in May, 1787, and continued its ses- a federal government and constitution and sions until September 17th, of the same year. adhered to the rights of the States and The Strong Government Whigs had previ- those of local self-government. Doubtless ously made every possible effort for a full party rancor, then as now, led men to opand able representation, and the result did pose a system of government which it not disappoint them, for instead of simply seems they must have approved after fightrevising the Articles of Confederation, the ing for it, but the earlier jealousies of the convention framed a constitution, and sent States and the prevailing ideas of liberty it to Congress to be submitted to that body certainly gave the Anti-Federals a popuanl through it to the several legislatures. larity which only a test so sensible as that The act submitting it provided that, if it proposed could have shaken. They were should be ratified by nine of the thirteen not without popular orators and leaders. states, it should be binding upon those Patrick Henry, the earliest of the paratifying the same. Just here was started triots, and "the-old-man-eloquent," Samuel the custom which has since passed into Adams, took special pride in espousing law, that amendments to the national con- their cause. The war questions between stitution shall be submitted after approval Whig and Tory must have passed quickly by Congress, to the legislatures of the sev-away, as living issues, though the newseral states, and after approval by three-papers and contemporaneous history show fourths thereof, it shall be binding upon all that the old taunts and battle cries were -a very proper exercise of constitutional applied to the new situation with a plainauthority, as it seems now, but which ness and virulence that must still be envied would not have won popular approval by the sensational and more bitterly parti when Virginia proposed the Annapolis san journals of our own day. To read convention in 1786. Indeed, the reader of these now, and some of our facts are gath