Tyler as its head; earnest efforts having been made in that behalf by many prominent Whigs and Democrats. The entire cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Webster, resigned within a few days after the second veto. It was a natural thing for them to do, and was not unexpected. Indeed Mr. Webster had resolved to tender his resignation also, but on reconsideration determined to remain and publish his reasons therefor in a letter to the National Intelligencer, in the following words:

The democratic members resisted strenu- | the establishment of a new party, with Mr. ously, in order to make the measure odious, but successful resistance was impossible. It passed both houses by a close vote, and contrary to all expectation the President disapproved the act, but with such expressions of readiness to approve another bill which should be free from the objections which he named, as still to keep his party together, and to prevent the resignation of bis cabinet. In his veto message the President fell back upon his early opinions against the constitutionality of a national bank, so often and so publicly expressed.

The veto caused consternation among the whig members; and Mr. Clay openly gave expression to his dissatisfaction, in the debate on the veto message in terms to assert that President Tyler had violated his faith to the whig party, and had been led off from them by new associations. He said: And why should not President Tyler have suffered the bill to become a law without his signature? Without meaning the slightest possible disrespect to him (nothing is further from my heart than the exhibition of any such feeling towards that distinguished citizen, long my personal friend), it cannot be forgotten that he came into his present office under peculiar circumstances. The people did not foresee the contingency which has happened. They voted for him as Vice President. They did not, therefore, scrutinize his opinions with the care which they probably ought to have done, and would have done, if they could have looked into futurity If the present state of the fact could have been anticipated-if at Harrisburg, or at the polls, it had been foreseen that General Harrison would die in one short month after the commencement of his administration; so that Vice President Tyler would be elevated to the presidential chair, that a bill passed by decisive majorities of the first whig Congress, chartering a national bank, would be presented for his sanction; and that he would veto the bill, do I hazard anything when I express the conviction that he would not have received a solitary vote in the nominating convention, nor one solitary electoral vote in any State in the Union?"

The vote was taken on the bill over again, as required by the constitution, and so far from receiving a two-thirds vote, it received only a bare majority, and was returned to the House with a message stating his objections to it, where it gave rise to some violent speaking, more directed to the personal conduct of the President than to the objections to the bill stated in his message. The veto was sustained; and so ended the second attempt to resuscitate the old United States Bank under a new name. This second movement to establish the bank has a secret history. It almost caused

"Lest any misapprehension should exist, as to the reasons which led me to differ from the course pursued by my late colleagues, I wish to say that I remain in my place, first, because I have seen no sufficient reasons for the dissolution of the late Cabinet, by the voluntary act of its own members. I am perfectly persuaded of the absolute necessity of an institution, under the authority of Congress, to aid revenue and financial operations, and to give the country the blessings of a good currency and cheap exchanges. Notwithstanding what has passed, I have confidence that the President will co-operate with the legislature in overcoming all difficulties in the attainment of these objects; and it is to the union of the Whig party-by which I mean the whole party, the Whig President, the Whig Congress, and the Whig peoplethat I look for a realization of our wishes. I can look nowhere else. In the second place if I had seen reasons to resign my office, I should not have done so, without giving the President reasonable notice, and affording him time to select the hands to which he should confide the delicate and important affairs now pending in this department.'

The conduct of the President in the matter of the vetoes of the two bank bills produced revolt against him in the party; and the Whigs of the two Houses of Congress held several formal meetings to con sider what they should do in the new condition of affairs. An address to the people of the United States was resolved upon. The rejection of the bank bill gave great vexation to one side, and equal exultation to the other. The subject was not permitted to rest, however; a national bank was the life-the vital principle of the Whig party, without which it could not live as a party; it was the power which was to give them power and the political and financial control of the Union. A second attempt was made, four days after the veto, to accomplish the end by amendments to a bill relating to the currency, which had been introduced early in the session. Mr. Sargeant of Pennsylvania, moved to strike out all after the enacting clause, and insert his amendments, which were substantially the same as the vetoed

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bill, except changing the amount of capi- | On the contrary, too many proofs have been tal and prohibiting discounts on notes other forced upon our observation to leave us than bills of exchange. The bill was free from the apprehension that the Presi pushed to a vote with astonishing rapidity, dent has permitted himself to be beguiled and passed by a decided majority In the into an opinion that by this exhibition of Senate the bill went to a select committee his prerogative he might be able to divert which reported it back without alteration, the policy of his administration into a as had been foreseen, the committee consist-channel which should lead to new political ing entirely of friends of the measure; and combinations, and accomplish results which there was a majority for it on final passage. must overthrow the present divisions of Concurred in by the Senate without alter- party in the country; and finally produce ation, it was returned to the House, and a state of things which those who elected thence referred to the President for his him, at least, have never contemplated. approval or disapproval. It was disapproved and it was promulgated in language In this state of things, the Whigs will intended to mean a repudiation of the naturally look with anxiety to the future, President, a permanent separation of the and inquire what are the actual relations Whig party from him, and to wash their between the President and those who hands of all accountability for his acts. brought him into power; and what, in An opening paragraph of the address set the opinion of their friends in Congress, forth that, for twelve years the Whigs had should be their course hereafter. carried on a contest for the regulation of The President by his withdrawal of confithe currency, the equalization of exchanges, dence from his real friends in Congress the economical administration of the finan- and from the members of his cabinet; by ces, and the advancement of industry-all his bestowal of it upon others notwithto be accomplished by means of a national standing their notorious opposition to leadbank-declaring these objects to be mis- ing measures of his administrations has understood by no one and the bank itself voluntarily separated himself from those held to be secured in the Presidential elec- | by whose exertions and suffrage he was tion, and its establishment the main object elevated to that office through which he of the extra session. The address then has reached his present exalted station. proceeds to state how these plans were The consequence is, that those frustrated: who brought the President into power can be no longer, in any manner or degree, justly held responsible or blamed for the administration of the executive branch of the government; and the President and his advisers should be exclusively hereafter deemed accountable. The conduct of the President has occasioned bitter mortification and deep regret. Shall the party, therefore, yielding to sentiments of despair, abandon its duty, and submit to defeat and disgrace? Far from suffering such dishonorable consequences, the very disappointment which it has unfortunately experienced should serve only to redouble its exertions, and to inspire it with fresh courage to persevere with a spirit unsubdued and a resolution unshaken, until the prosperity of the country is fully re-established, and its liberties firmly secured against all danger from the abuses, encroachments or usurpations of the executive department of the government."

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"It is with profound and poignant regret that we find ourselves called upon to invoke your attention to this point. Upon the great and leading measure touching this question, our anxious endeavors to respond to the earnest prayers of the nation have been frustrated by an act as unlooked for as it is to be lamented. We grieve to say to you that by the exercise of that power in the constitution which has ever been regarded with suspicion, and often with odium, by the people—a power which we had hoped was never to be exhibited on this subject, by a Whig President we have been defeated in two attempts to create a fiscal agent, which the wants of the country had demonstrated to us, in the most absolute form of proof to be eminently necessary and proper in the present emergency. Twice have we with the utmost diligence and deliberation matured a plan for the collection, safekeeping and disbursing of the public This was the manifesto, so far as it conmoneys through the agency of a corpora- cerns the repudiation of President Tyler, tion adapted to that end, and twice has it which Whig members of Congress put been our fate to encounter the opposition forth: it was answered (under the name of of the President, through the application an address to his constituents) by Mr. of the veto power. * * * We are con- Cushing, in a counter special plea-counstrained to say that we find no ground to ter to it on all points-especially on the justify us in the conviction that the veto main question of which party the Presiof the President has been interposed on dent was to belong to; the manifesto this question solely upon conscientious and of the Whigs assigning him to the dewell-considered opinions of constitutional mocracy-the address of Mr. Cushing, scruple as to his duty in the case presented. claiming him for the Whigs. It was es

pecially severe on Mr. Clay, as setting up menced his high career-a wide and lumia caucus dictatorship to coerce the Presi- nous horizon before him, and will and dent; and charged that the address em- talent to fill it. He said: From the year anated from this caucus, and did not embody 1806, the period of my entering upon this or represent the sentiments of all Whig noble theatre of my public service, with leaders, and referred to Mr. Webster's let- but short intervals, down to the present ter, and his remaining in the cabinet as time, I have been engaged in the service proof of this. But it was without avail of my country. Of the nature and value against the concurrent statements of the of those services which I may have renretiring senators, and the confirmatory dered during my long career of public life, statements of many members of Congress.it does not become me to speak. History, The Whiz party recoiled from the Presi- if she deigns to notice me, and posterity— dent, and instead of the unity predicted by if a recollection of any humble service Mr Web-ter, there was diversity and wide-which I may have rendered, shall be spread dissension. The Whig party re-transmitted to posterity-will be the best, mained with Mr. Clay; Mr. Webster re-truest, and most impartial judges; and to tired. Mr Cushing was sent on a foreign them I defer for a decision upon their mission, and the Pre-ident, seeking to en- value. But, upon one subject, I may be ter the democratic ranks, was refused by allowed to speak. As to my public acts them, and left to seek consolation in pri- and public conduct, they are for the judgvacy for his political errors and omissions. ment of my fellow citizens; but my private The extra session, called by President motives of action-that which prompted Harrison, held under Mr. Tyler, domi- me to take the part which I may have nated by Mr Clay commenced May 31, done, upon great measures during their and ended Sept. 13. 141-and was replete progress in the national councils, can be with disappointed calculations, and nearly known only to the Great Searcher of the barren of permanent results. The pur- human heart and myself; and I trust I poses for which it was called into being, shall be pardoned for repeating again a failed. The first annual message of Presi- declaration which I made thirty years ago: dent Tyler, at the opening of the regular that whatever error I may have committed session in December, 141. coming in so--and doubtless I have committed many soon after the termination of the extra ses- during my public service-I may appeal sion, was brief and meagre of topics, with to the Divine Searcher of hearts for the few points of interest.

truth of the declaration which I now make,

been actuated by no personal motivesthat I have sought no personal aggrandize ment-no promotion from the advocacy of those various measures on which I have been called to act-that I have had an eye, a single eye, a heart, a single heart, ever devoted to what appeared to be the best interests of the country."

In the month of March, 1842. Mr. Henry with pride and confidence, that I have Clay resigned his place in the Senate, and delivered a valedictory address to that body He had intended this step upon the close of the previous presidential campaign, but had postponed it to take personal charge of the several measures which would be brought before Congress at the special session-the calling of which he foresaw would be necessary He resigned Mr. Clay led a great party, and for a not on account of age, or infirmity, or dis- long time, whether he dictated to it or not, inclination for public life, but out of dis- and kept it well bound together, without gust-profound and inextinguishable. He the usual means of forming and leading had been basely defeated for the Presi-parties. It was surprising that, without dential nomination, against the wishes of the Whig party of which he was the acknowledged head-he had seen his leading measures vetoed by the President whom his party had elected-the downfall of the Bank for which he had so often pledged himself and the insolent attacks of the petty adherents of the administration in the two Houses: all these causes acting on his proud and lofty spirit, induced this withdrawal from public life for which he was so well fitted.

power and patronage, he was able so long and so undividedly to keep so great a party together, and lead it so unresistingly. He had great talents, but not equal to some whom he led. He had eloquence superior in popular effect, but not equal in high oratory to that of some others. But his temperament was fervid, his will was strong, and his courage daring; and these qualities, added to his talents, gave him the lead and supremacy in his party, where he was always dominant. The farewell The address opened with a retrospect of address made a deep impression upon the his early entrance into the Senate, and a Senators present; and after its close, Mr. grand encomium upon its powers and dig- Preston brought the ceremony to a conclunity as he had found it, and left it. Mem-sion, by moving an adjournment, which ory went back to that early year, 1806, was agreed to.

when just past thirty years of age, he en- Again at this session was the subject of tered the United States Senate, and com- the tariff considered, but this time, as

matter of absolute necessity, to provide a revenue. Never before were the coffers and the credit of the treasury at so low an ebb. A deficit of fourteen millions in the treasury—a total inability to borrow, either at home or abroad, the amount of the loan of twelve millions authorized the year before the treasury notes below par, and the revenues from imports inadequate and decreasing.

For more than a year before the meeting

exhibited in its political complexion, serious losses in the Whig following. The Democratic candidate for Speaker of the House of Representatives, was elected over the Whig candidate the vote standing 128 to 59. Thus an adverse majority of more than two to one was the result to the Whig party at the first election after the extra session of 1841. The President's message referred to the treaty which had The compromise act of 1833 in reducing lately been concluded with Great Britain the duties gradually through nine years, relative to the northwestern territory exto a fixed low rate; the act of 1837 in dis- tending to the Columbia river, including tributing the surplus revenue; and the Oregon and settling the boundary lines; continual and continued distribution of and also to a pending treaty with Texas the land revenue, had brought about this for her annexation to the United States; condition of things. The remedy was and concluded with a recommendation sought in a bill increasing the tariff, and for the establishment of a paper currency suspending the land revenue distribution. to be issued and controlled by the Federal Two such bills were passed in a single government. month, and both vetoed by the President. It was now near the end of August. Con- of the Democratic Presidential Convengress had been in session for an unpre- tion in Baltimore, in May 1844, it was cedentedly long time. Adjournment could evident to leading Democrats that Martin not be deferred, and could not take place Van Buren was the choice of the party without providing for the Treasury The To overcome this popular current and compromise act and the land distribution were the stumbling-blocks: it was resolved to sacrifice them together; and a bill was introduced raising the duties above the fixed rate of twenty per cent., and that breach of the mutual assurance in relation to the compromise, immediately in terms of the assurance, suspended the land revenue distribution to continue it suspended while duties above the compromise limit continued to be levied. And as that has been the case ever since, the distribution of the land revenue has been suspended ever since. The bill was passed, and approved by the President, and Congress thereupon adjourned.

The subject of the navy was also under consideration at this session. The naval policy of the United States was a question of party division from the origin of parties in the early years of the government-the Federal party favoring a strong and splendid navy, the Republican a moderate establishment, adapted to the purposes of defense more than of offense. And this line of division has continued. Under the Whig regime the policy for a great navy developed itself. The Secretary of the Navy recommended a large increase of ships, seamen and officers, involving a heavy expense, though the government was not in a condition to warrant any such expenditure, and no emergency required an increase in that branch of the public service. The vote was taken upon the increase proposed by the Secretary of the Navy, and recommended by the President; and it was carried, the yeas and nays being well defined by the party line.

The first session of the twenty-eighth Congress, which convened December 1843,

turn the tide in favor of Mr. Calhoun, who desired the nomination, resort was had to the pending question of the annexation of Texas.

Mr. Van Buren was known to be against it, and Mr. Calhoun for it. To gain time, the meeting of the convention was postponed from December previous, which had been the usual time for holding such elections, until the following May The convention met, and consisted of two hundred and sixty-six delegates, a decided majority of whom were for Mr. Van Buren, and cast their votes accordingly on the first ballot. But a chairman had been selected, who was adverse to his nomination; and aided by a rule adopted by the convention, which required a concurrence of two-thirds to effect a nomination, the opponents of Mr. Van Buren were able to accomplish his defeat. Mr. Calhoun had, before the meeting of the convention, made known his determination, in a public address, not to suffer his name to go before that assemblage as a candidate for the presidency, and stated his reasons for so doing, which were founded mainly on the manner in which the convention was constituted; his objections being to the mode of choosing delegates, and the manner of their giving in their votes-he contending for district elections, and the delegates to vote individually. South Carolina was not represented in the convention. After the first ballot Mr. Van Buren's vote sensibly decreased, until finally, Mr. James K. Polk, who was a candidate for the Vice Presidency, was brought forward and nominated unanimously for the chief office. Mr. Geo. M. Dallas was chosen as his colleague for the Vice Presidency. The nomination of these gentlemen, neither of whom had

been mentioned until late in the proceed ings of the convention, for the offices for which they were finally nominated, was a genuine surprise to the country. No voice in favor of it had been heard; and no visible sign in the political horizon had announced it.

The Whig convention nominated Henry Clay, for President; and Theodore Frelinghuysen for Vice-President.

The main issues in the election which ensued, were mainly the party ones of Whig and Democrat, modified by the tariff and Texas questions. It resulted in the choice of the Democratic candidates, who received 170 electoral votes as against 105 for their opponents; the popular majority for the Democrats being 238,284, in a total vote of 2,834,108. Mr. Clay received a larger popular vote than had been given at the previous election for the Whig candidate, showing that he would have been elected had he then been the nominee of his party; though the popular vote at this election was largely increased over that of 1840. It is conceded that the 36 electoral votes of New York State gave the election to Mr. Polk. It was carried by a bare majority; due entirely to the Gubernatorial candidacy of Mr. Silas Wright, who had been mentioned for the vice-presidential nomination in connection with Mr. Van Buren, but who declined it after the sacrifice of his friend and colleague; and resigning his seat in the Senate, became a candidate for Governor of New York. The election being held at the same time as that for president, his name and popularity brought to the presidential ticket more than enough votes to make the majority that gave the electoral vote of the State to the Democrats.

the dissolution of the Union if the rejec tion of the annexation should be perse-vered in. Responsive resolutions were adopted in several States, and meetings held. The opposition manifested, brought the movement to a stand, and suppressed the disunion scheme for the time beingonly to lie in wait for future occasions. But it was not before the people only that this scheme for a Southern convention with a view to the secession of the slave States was a matter of discussion; it was the subject of debate in the Senate; and there it was further disclosed that the design of the secessionists was to extend the new Southern republic to the Californias.

The treaty of annexation was supported by all the power of the administration, but failed; and it was rejected by the Senate by a two-thirds vote against it. Following this, a joint resolution was early brought into the House of Representatives for the admission of Texas as a State of the Union, by legislative action; it passed the House by a fair majority, but met with opposition in the Senate unless coupled with a proviso for negotiation and treaty, as a condition precedent. A bill authorizing the President and a commissioner to be appointed to agree upon the terms and conditions of said admission, the question of slavery within its limits, its debts, the fixing of boundaries, and the cession of territory, was coupled or united with the resolution; and in this shape it was finally agreed to, and became a law, with the concurrence of the President, March 3, 1845. Texas was then in a state of war with Mexico, though at that precise point of time an armistice had been agreed upon, looking to a treaty of peace. The House resolution was for an unqualified admission of the State; the Senate amendment or bill was for negotiation; and the bill actually passed would not have been concurred in except on the understanding that the incoming President (whose term began March 4, 1845, and who was favorable to negotiation) would act under the bill, and appoint commissioners accordingly.

President Tyler's annual and last message to Congress, in December 1844, contained, (as did that of the previous year) an elaborate paragraph on the subject of Texas and Mexico; the idea being the annexation of the former to the Union, and the assumption of her causes of grievance against the latter; and a treaty was pending to accomplish these objects. The scheme for the annexation of Texas was framed with a double aspect-one looking Contrary to all expectation, the outgoing to the then pending presidential election, President, on the last day of his term, at the other to the separation of the Southern the instigation of his Secretary of State, States; and as soon as the rejection of the Mr. Calhoun, assumed the execution of treaty was foreseen, and the nominating the act providing for the admission of convention had acted, the disunion aspect Texas-adopted the legislative clausemanifested itself over many of the South- and sent out a special messenger with inern States-beginning with South Carolina. structions. The danger of this had been Before the end of May, a great meeting foreseen, and suggested in the Senate; but took place at Ashley, in that State, to close friends of Mr. Calhoun, speaking for combine the slave States in a convention the administration, and replying to the to unite the Southern States to Texas, if suggestion, indignantly denied it for them, Texas should not be received into the and declared that they would not have the Union; and to invite the President to "audacity" to so violate the spirit and inconvene Congress to arrange the terms of tent of the act, or so encroach upon the