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vance any purpose on the part of the operation of all the States of Central United States to prejudge the issues to be America in the proposed congress.-Each, presented to the Congress. It is far from I have no doubt, will ultimately agree to the intent of this Government to appear send the specified number of commissionbefore the Congress as in any sense the ers and assume, outwardly, an appearance protector of its neighbors or the predestined of sincere co-operation, but, as you will and necessary arbitrator of their disputes. perceive from your knowledge of the posThe United States will enter into the deliber-ture of affairs, all hope of effecting a union ations of the Congress on the same footing of these States except upon a basis the as other powers represented, and with the leaders will never permit that of a free loyal determination to approach any pro-choice of the whole people-will be at an posed solution, not merely in its own inter-end. The obligation to keep the peace, est, or with a view to asserting its own imposed by the congress, will bind the power, but as a single member among United States as well as all others, and many co-ordinate and co-equal States. So thus prevent any efforts to bring about the far as the influence of this Government desired union other than those based upon may be potential, it will be exerted in the a simple tender of good offices-this means direction of conciliating whatever con-until the years shall bring about a radical flicting interests of blood, or government, change-must be as inefficient in the future or historical tradition that may necessarily come together in response to a call embracing such vast and diverse ele

ments.

INSTRUCTIONS TO THE MINISTERS.

as in the past. The situation, as it appears to me, is a difficult one. As a means of restraining the aggressive tendency of Mexico in the direction of Central America, the congress would be attended by the happiest results, should a full agreement be reached. But as the Central American States are now in a chaotic condition, politically considered, with their future status wholly undefined, and as a final settlement can only be reached, as it now appears, through the operation of military forces, the hope of a Federal union in Central

You will present these views to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica, enlarging, if need be, in such terms as will readily occur to you upon the great mission which it is within the power of the proposed Congress to accomplish in the interest of humanity, and the firm purpose of the United States of America to main-America would be crushed, at least in the tain a position of the most absolute and impartial friendship toward all. You will, therefore, in the name of the President of the United States, tender to his Excellency, the President of - a formal invitation to send two commissioners to the Congress, provided with such powers and instructions on behalf of their Government as will enable them to consider the questions brought before that body within the limit of submission contemplated by this invitation.

The United States, as well as the other powers, will in like manner be represented by two commissioners, so that equality and impartiality will be amply secured in the proceedings of the Congress.

In delivering this invitation through the Minister of Foreign Affairs, you will read this despatch to him and leave with him a copy, intimating that an answer is desired by this Government as promptly as the just consideration of so important a proposition will permit.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,
JAMES G. BLAINE.

immediate present. Wiser heads than my own may devise a method to harmonize these difficulties when the congress is actually in session, but it must be constantly remembered that so far as the Central American commissioners are concerned they will represent the interests and positive mandates of their respective government chiefs in the strictest and most absolute sense. While all will probably send commissioners, through motives of expediency, they may possibly be instructed to secretly defeat the ends of the convention. I make these suggestions that you may have the whole field under view.

"I may mention in this connection that I have received information that up to the tenth of the present month only two members of the proposed convention at Panama had arrived and that it was considered as having failed."

Contemporaneous with these movements or suggestions was another on the part of Mr. Blaine to secure from England a modification or abrogation of the ClaytonBulwer treaty, with the object of giving to the United States, rather to the Republics of North and South America, full supervision of the Isthmus and Panama Canal when constructed. This branch of the correspondence was sent to the Senate on "From a full review of the situation, as the 17th of February. Lord Granville, in heretofore detailed to you, I am not clear his despatch of January 7th to Minister as to being able to obtain the genuine co-West in reference to the Clayton-Bulwer

Minister Logan's Reply. The following is an abstract of the reply of Minister Logan to the above.

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Treaty controversy, denies any analogy | it has yet been found preferable to arrive between the cases of the Panama and at a solution as to those details rather than Suez Canals. He cordially concurs in Mr. to sacrifice the general bases of the enBlaine's statement in regard to the unex-gagement, it must surely be allowed that ampled development of the Pacific Coast, such a fact, far from being an argument but denies that it was unexpected.

against that engagement, is an argument He says the declaration of President distinctly in its favor. It is equally plain Monroe anterior to the treaty show that that either of the contracting parties which he and his Cabinet had a clear prevision of had abandoned its own contention for the the great future of that region. The de- purpose of preserving the agreement in its velopment of the interests of the British entirety would have reason to complain if possessions also continued, though possibly the differences which had been settled by less rapidly. The Government are of the its concessions were afterwards urged as a opinion that the canal, as a water way be- reason for essentially modifying those other tween the two great oceans and Europe and provisions which it had made this sacrifice Eastern Asia, is a work which concerns not to maintain. In order to strengthen these only the American Continent, but the arguments, the Earl reviews the correswhole civilized world. With all deference pondence, quotes the historical points made to the considerations which prompted Mr. | by Mr. Blaine and in many instances inBlaine he cannot believe that his propo- troduces additional data as contradicting sals will be even beneficial in themselves. the inferences drawn by Mr. Blaine and He can conceive a no more melancholy supporting his own position. spectacle than competition between nations in the construction of fortifications to command the canal. He cannot believe that any South American States would like to admit a foreign power to erect fortifications on its territory, when the claim to do so is accompanied by the declaration that the canal is to be regarded as a part of the American coast line. It is difficult to believe, he says, that the territory between it and the United States could retain its present independence. Lord Granville believes that an invitation to all the maritime states to participate in an agreement based on the stipulations of the Convention of 1850, would make the Convention adequate for the purposes for which it was designed. Her Majesty's Government would gladly see the United States take the initiative towards such a convention, and will be prepared to endorse and support such action in any way. provided it does not conflict with the Clayton-Bulwer treaty.

The point on which Mr. Blaine laid particular stress in his despatch to Earl Granville, is the objection made by the government of the United States to any concerted action of the European powers for the purpose of guarantying the neutrality of the Isthmus canal or determining the conditions of its use.

CHILI AND PERU.

The entire question is complicated by the war between Chili and Peru, the latter owning immense guano deposits in which American citizens have become financially tervention of our government to prevent interested. These sought the friendly inChili, the conquering Republic, from appropriating these deposits as part of her war indemnity. The Landreau, an original French claim, is said to represent $125,000,000, and the holders were prior to and during the war pressing it upon Calderon, Lord Granville, in a subsequent despatch, the Peruvian President, for settlement; the Cochet claim, another of the same draws attention to the fact that Mr. Blaine, in using the argument that the treaty has class, represented $1,000,000,000. Doubtbeen a source of continual difficulties, fraudulent, and shrewd agents are interless these claims are speculative and largely omits to state that the questions in dispute ested in their collection and preservation. which related to points occupied by the British in Central America were removed A still more preposterous and speculative in 1860 by the voluntary action of Great movement was fathered by one Shipherd, Britain in certain treaties concluded with who opened a correspondence with Minis Honduras and Nicaragua, the settlement ter Hurlburt, and with other parties for being recognized as perfectly satisfactory which was to pay the $20,000,000 money the establishment of the Credit Industriel, by President Buchanan. Lord Granville says, further, that during this controversy to be reimbursed by the Peruvian nitrates indemnity demanded of Peru by Chili, and America disclaimed any desire to have to be reimbursed by the Peruvian nitrates the exclusive control of the canal. and guano deposits.

THE SCANDAL.

The Earl contends that in cases where the details of an international agreement have given rise to difficulties and discus- All of these things surround the quessions to such an extent as to cause the tion with scandals which probably fail to contracting parties at one time to contem-truthfully reach any prominent officer of plate its abrogation or modification as one our government, but which have nevertheof several possible alternatives, and where less attracted the attention of Congress to

such an extent that the following action | Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United has been already taken:

States were either personally interested or improperly connected with a business transaction in which the intervention of this Government was requested or expected and whereas, it is alleged that certain papers in relation to the same subject have been improperly lost or removed from the files of the State Department, that therefore the Committee on Foreign Affairs be instructed to inquire into said allegations and ascertain the facts relating thereto, and report the same with such recommendations as they may deem proper, and they shall have power to send for persons and papers. The resolution was adopted.

THE CLAIMS.

On February 24th Mr. Bayard offered in the Senate a resolution reciting that whereas publication has been widely made by the public press of certain alleged public commercial contracts between certain companies and copartnerships of individual relative to the exports of guano and nitrate from Peru, in which the mediation by the Government of the United States between the Governments of Peru, Bolivia and Chili is declared to be a condition for the effectuation and continuance of the said contracts; therefore be it resolved, that the Committee on Foreign Relations be instructed to inquire whether any promise or stipulation by which the intervention by the United States in the controversies ex- The inner history of what is known as isting between Chili and Peru or Chili and the Peruvian Company reads more like a Bolivia has been expressly or impliedly tale from the Arabian Nights than a plain given by any person or persons officially statement of facts. The following is connected with the Government of the gleaned from the prospectus of the compaUnited States, or whether the influence of ny, of which only a limited number of copthe Government of the United States haies was printed. According to a note on been in any way exerted, promised or inti-the cover of these "they are for the strictly mated in connection with, or in relation to private use of the gentlemen into whose the said contracts by any one officially con-hands they are immediately placed." nected with the Government of the United The prospects of the corporation are States, and whether any one officially con-based entirely upon the claims of Cochet nected with the Government of the United and Landreau, two French chemists, resiStates is interested, directly or indirectly, with any such alleged contracts in which the mediation as aforesaid of the United State is recited to be a condition, and that the said committee have power to send for persons and paper and make report of their proceedings in the premises to the Senate at the earliest possible day.

dents of Peru. In the year 1833, the Peruvian government, by published decree, promised to every discoverer of valuable deposits upon the public domain a premium of one-third of the discovery as an incentive to the development of great natural resources vaguely known to exist. In the beginning of 1830, Alexandre Cochet, who was a man of superior information, occupied himself in the laborious work of manu

Mr. Edmunds said he had drafted a resolution covering all the branches o #6 that most unfortunate affair to whichfacturing nitrate of soda in a small oficina reference was now made, and in view of in Peru, and being possessed with quick the ill policy of any action which would intelligence and a careful observer he soon commit the Senate to inquiries about de- came to understand that the valuable proclaring foreign matters in advance of a perties contained in the guano an article careful investigation by a committee, he only known to native cultivators of the soil now made the suggestion that he would-would be eminently useful as a restorahave made as to his own resolution, if he had offered it, namely, that the subject be referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. He intimated that the proposition prepared by himself would be considered by the committee as a suggestion bearing upon the pending resolution.

Mr. Bayard acquiesced in the reference with the remark that anything that tended to bring the matter more fully before the country was satisfactory to him.

The resolution accordingly went to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

In the House Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, offered a resolution reciting that whereas, it is alleged, in connection with the Chili Peruvian correspondence recently and officially published on the call of the two Houses of Congress, that one or more

tive to the exhausted lands of the old continent. With this idea he made himself completely master of the mode of application adopted by the Indians and small farmers in the province where he resided, and after a careful investigation of the chemical effects produced on the land by the proper application of the regenerating agent, he proceeded in the year 1840 to the capital (Lima) in order to interest some of his friends in this new enterprise. Not without great persuasion and much besitation, he induced his countryman, Mr. Achilles Allier, to take up the hazardous speculation and join with him in his discovery. He succeeded, however, and toward the end of the same year the firm of Quiroz & Allier obtained a concession for six years from the government of Peru for the ex

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portation of all the guano existing in the in the service of a country whose cities had afterwards famous islands of Chinchi for risen from desolation to splendor under the the sum of sixty thousand dollars. In sole magic of his touch-a touch that had consequence of the refusal of that firm to in it for Peru all the fabled power of the admit Cochet, the discoverer, to a partici-long-sought "philosopher's stone." In 1853 pation in the profits growing out of this Cochet returned to France, but he was then contract a series of lawsuits resulted and a already exhausted by enthusiastic explorapaper war ensued in which Cochet was tions in a deadly climate and never rallied. baffled. In vain he called the attention of He lingered in poverty for eleven painful the government to the nature and value of years and died in Paris in an almshouse in this discovery; he was told that he was a 1864, entitled to an estate worth $500,000,visionary." In vain he demonstrated | 000-the richest man in the history of the that the nation possessed hundreds of mil-world-and was buried by the city in the lions of dollars in the grand deposits: this Potters' Field; his wonderful history well ilonly confirmed the opinion of the Council lustrating that truth is stranger than fiction. of State that he was a madman. In vain he attempted to prove that one cargo of guano was equal to fourteen cargoes of grain; the Council of State cooly told him that guano was an article known to the Spaniards, and of no value: that Commissioner Humbolt had referred to it, and that they could not accept his theory respecting its superior properties, its value and its probable use in foreign agriculture at a period when no new discovery could be made relative to an article so long and of so evident small value.

THE LANDREAU CLAIM.

About the year 1844 Jean Theophile Landreau, also a French citizen, in partnership with his brother, John C. Landreau, a naturalized American citizen, upon the faith of the promised premium of 333 per cent. entered upon a series of extended systematic and scientific explorations with a view to ascertaining whether the deposits of guano particularly pointed out by Cochet constituted the entire guano deposit of Peru, and with money furnished by his partAt length a new light began to dawn on ner, John, Theophile prosecuted his searchthe lethargic understanding of the officials es with remarkable energy and with great in power, and as rumors continued to ar- success for twelve years, identifying beds rive from Europe confirming the assevera- not before known to the value of not less tions of Cochet, and announcing the sale than $400,000,000. Well aware, however, of guano at from $90 to $120 per ton, a de- of the manner in which his fellow-countrygree of haste was suddenly evinced to se- man had been neglected by an unprincicure once more to the public treasury this pled people, he had the discretion to keep new and unexpected source of wealth; and his own counsel and to extort from the Peat one blow the contract with Quiroz & ruvian authorities an absolute agreement Allier, which had previously been extend-in advance before he revealed his treasure. ed, was reduced to one year. Their claims This agreement was, indeed, for a royalty were cancelled by the payment of ten thou-of less than one-sixth the amount promised, sand tons of guano which Congress de- but the most solemn assurances were given creed them. There still remained to be that the lessened amount would be promptsettled the just and acknowledged indebt-ly and cheerfully paid, its total would give edness for benefits conferred on the country by Cochet, benefits which could not be denied as wealth and prosperity rolled in on the government and on the people. But few, if any, troubled themselves about the question to whom they were indebted for so much good fortune, nor had time to pay particular attention to Cochet's claims. Finally, however, Congress was led to declare Cochet the true discoverer of the value, use and application of guano for European agriculture, and a grant of 5,000 tons was made in his favor September 30th, 1849, but was never paid him. After passing a It will be seen that these two men, Coperiod of years in hopeless expectancy-chet and Landreau, have been acknowfrom 1840 to 1851-his impoverished cir- ledged by the Peruvian government as cumstances made it necessary for him to claimants. No attempt has ever been made endeavor to procure, through the influence to deny the indebtedness. The very deof his own government, that measure of support in favor of his claims which would insure him a competency in his old age.

He resolved upon returning to France, after having spent the best part of his life

the brothers each a large fortune, and payments were to begin at once. The solemn agreement having been concluded and duly certified, the precious deposits having been pointed out and taken possession of by the profligate government, the brothers were at first put off with plausible pretexts of delay, and when these grew monotonous the government calmly issued a decree recognizing the discoveries, accepting the treasure, and annulling the contract, with a suggestion that a more suitable agreement might be arranged in the future.

cree of repudiation reaffirmed the obligation, and all the courts refused to pronounce against the plaintiffs. Both of these claims came into the possession of Mr. Peter W. Hevenor, of Philadelphia. Cochet left one

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son whom Mr. Hevenor found in poverty in Lima and advanced money to push his father's claim of $500,000,000 against the government. After $50,000 were spent young Cochet's backer was surprised to learn of the Laudreaus and their claim. Not wishing to antagonize them, he advanced them money, and in a short time owned nearly all the fifteen interests in the Landreau claim of $125,000,000.

To the Peruvian Company Mr. Hevenor has transferred his titles, and on the basis of these that corporation maintains that eventually it will realize not less than $1,200,000,000, computed as follows:

The amount of guano already taken out of the Cochet Islands-including the Chinchas-will be shown by the Peruvian Custom House records, and will aggregate, it is said, not far from $1,200,000,000 worth. The discoverer's one-third of this would be $400,000,000, and interest upon this amount at six per cent. - say for an equalized average of twenty years-would be $480,000,000 more. The amount remaining in these islands is not positively known, and is probably not more than $200,000,000 worth; and in the Landreau deposits say $300,000,000 more. The Chilian plenipotentiary recently announced that his government are about opening very rich deposits on the Lobos Islands-which are included in this group. It is probably within safe limits, says the Peruvian Company's prospectus, to say that, including interest to accrue before the claim can be fully liquidated, its owners will realize no less than $1,200,000,000.

THE COUNTRIES INVOLVED.

In South America there are ten independent governments; and the three Guianas which are dependencies on European powers. Of the independent governments Brazil is an empire, having an area of 3,609,160 square miles and 11,058,000 inhabitants. The other nine are republics. In giving area and population we use the most complete statistics at our command, but they are not strictly reliable, nor as late as we could have wished. The area and the population of the republics are: Venzuela, 426,712 square miles and 2,200,000 inhabitants; United States of Colombia, 475,000 square miles and 2,900,000 inhabitants; Peru, 580,000 square miles and 2,500,000 inhabitants; Ecuador, 208,000 square miles and 1,300,000 inhabitants; Bolivia, 842,730 square miles and 1,987,352 inhabitants; Chili, 200,000 square miles and 2,084,960 inhabitants; Argentine Republic, 1,323,560 square miles and 1,887,000 inhabitants; Paraguay, 73,000 square miles and 1,337,439 inhabitants; Uruguay, 66,716 square miles and 240,000 inhabitants, or a total in the nine republics of 3,789,220 square miles and 16,436,751 inhabitants. The aggregate area of the nine

republics exceeds that of Erazil 180,060 square miles, and the total population exceeds that of Brazil 5,069,552. Brazil, being an empire, is not comprehended in the Blaine proposal-she rather stands as a strong barrier against it. Mexico and Guatamala are included, but are on this continent, and their character and resources better understood by our people. In the South American countries generally the Spanish language is spoken. The educated classes are of nearly pure Spanish extraction. The laboring classes are of mixed Spanish and aboriginal blood, or of pure aboriginal ancestry. The characteristics of the Continent are emphatically Spanish. The area and population we have already given. The territory is nearly equally divided between the republics and the empire, the former having a greater area of only 180,060 square miles; but the nine republics have an aggregate population of 5,059,522 more than Brazil. The United States has an area of 3,634,797 square miles, including Alaska; but excluding Alaska, it has 3,056,797 square miles. The area of Brazil is greater than that of the United States, excluding Alaska, by 552,363 square miles, and the aggregate area of the nine republics is greater by 732,423 square miles. This comparison of the area of the nine republics and of Brazil with that of this nation gives a definite idea of their magnitude. Geographically, these republics occupy the northern, western and southern portions of South America, and are contiguous. The aggregate exports and imports of South America, according to the last available data, were $529,300,000; those of Brazil, $168,930,000; of the nine republics, $360,360,000.

These resolutions will bring out voluminous correspondence, but we have given the reader sufficient to reach a fair understanding of the subject. Whatever of scandal may be connected with it, like the Star Route cases, it should await official investigation and condemnation. Last of all should history condemn any one in ad vance of official inquiry. None of the governments invited to the Congress had accepted formally, and in view of obstacles thrown in the way by the present administration, it is not probable they will.

Accepting the proposition of Mr. Blaine as stated in his letter to President Arthur, as conveying his true desire and meaning, it is due to the truth to say that it comprehends more than the Monroe doctrine, the text of which is given in President Monroe's own words in this volume. While he contended against foreign intervention with the Republics on this Hemisphere, he never asserted the right of our government to participate in or seek the control either of the internal, commercial or foreign policy of any of the Republics of America, by ar

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