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operation of all the States of Central America in the proposed congress.-Each, I have no doubt, will ultimately agree to send the specified number of commissioners and assume, outwardly, an appearance of sincere co-operation, but, as you will

vance any purpose on the part of the United States to prejudge the issues to be presented to the Congress. It is far from the intent of this Government to appear before the Congress as in any sense the protector of its neighbors or the predestined and necessary arbitrator of their disputes. perceive from your knowledge of the posThe United States will enter into the deliber-ture of affairs, all hope of effecting a union ations of the Congress on the same footing of these States except upon a basis the as other powers represented, and with the leaders will never permit that of a free loyal determination to approach any pro-choice of the whole people-will be at an posed solution, not merely in its own inter-end. The obligation to keep the peace, est, or with a view to asserting its own imposed by the congress, will bind the power, but as a single member among United States as well as all others, and many co-ordinate and co-equal States. So thus prevent any efforts to bring about the far as the influence of this Government desired union other than those based upon may be potential, it will be exerted in the a simple tender of good offices-this means direction of conciliating whatever con-until the years shall bring about a radical flicting interests of blood, or government, change-must be as inefficient in the future or historical tradition that may necessarily as in the past. The situation, as it apcome together in response to a call pears to me, is a difficult one. As a means embracing such vast and diverse ele- of restraining the aggressive tendency of Mexico in the direction of Central America, the congress would be attended by the happiest results, should a full agreement be reached. But as the Central American States are now in a chaotic condition, politically considered, with their future status wholly undefined, and as a final settlement can only be reached, as it now appears, through the operation of military forces, the hope of a Federal union in Central



You will present these views to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa Rica, enlarging, if need be, in such terms as will readily occur to you upon the great mission which it is within the power of the proposed Congress to accomplish in the interest of humanity, and the firm purpose

of the United States of America to main-America would be crushed, at least in the tain a position of the most absolute and immediate present. Wiser heads than my impartial friendship toward all. You will, own may devise a method to harmonize therefore, in the name of the President of these difficulties when the congress is acthe United States, tender to his Excel- tually in session, but it must be constantly lency, the President of - a formal remembered that so far as the Central invitation to send two commissioners to American commissioners are concerned the Congress, provided with such powers they will represent the interests and posiand instructions on behalf of their Govern- tive mandates of their respective government as will enable them to consider the ment chiefs in the strictest and most absoquestions brought before that body within lute sense. While all will probably send the limit of submission contemplated by commissioners, through motives of expedithis invitation. ency, they may possibly be instructed to secretly defeat the ends of the convention. I make these suggestions that you may have the whole field under view.

"I may mention in this connection that I have received information that up to the tenth of the present month only two members of the proposed convention at Panama had arrived and that it was considered as having failed."

The United States, as well as the other powers, will in like manner be represented by two commissioners, so that equality and impartiality will be amply secured in the proceedings of the Congress.

In delivering this invitation through the Minister of Foreign Affairs, you will read this despatch to him and leave with him a copy, intimating that an answer is desired by this Government as promptly as the just consideration of so important a proposition will permit.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

Contemporaneous with these movements or suggestions was another on the part of Mr. Blaine to secure from England a modification or abrogation of the ClaytonBulwer treaty, with the object of giving to the United States, rather to the Republics of North and South America, full supervision of the Isthmus and Panama Canal when constructed. This branch of the correspondence was sent to the Senate on the 17th of February. Lord Granville, in

Minister Logan's Reply.

The following is an abstract of the reply of Minister Logan to the above. "From a full review of the situation, as heretofore detailed to you, I am not clear his despatch of January 7th to Minister as to being able to obtain the genuine co-West in reference to the Clayton-Bulwer

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Treaty controversy, denies any analogy | it has yet been found preferable to arrive between the cases of the Panama and at a solution as to those details rather than Suez Canals. He cordially concurs in Mr. to sacrifice the general bases of the enBlaine's statement in regard to the unex-gagement, it must surely be allowed that ampled development of the Pacific Coast, such a fact, far from being an argument but denies that it was unexpected. against that engagement, is an argument distinctly in its favor. It is equally plain that either of the contracting parties which had abandoned its own contention for the purpose of preserving the agreement in its entirety would have reason to complain if the differences which had been settled by its concessions were afterwards urged as a reason for essentially modifying those other provisions which it had made this sacrifice to maintain. In order to strengthen these arguments, the Earl reviews the corres

He says the declaration of President Monroe anterior to the treaty show that he and his Cabinet had a clear prevision of the great future of that region. The development of the interests of the British possessions also continued, though possibly less rapidly. The Government are of the opinion that the canal, as a water way between the two great oceans and Europe and Eastern Asia, is a work which concerns not only the American Continent, but the whole civilized world. With all deference pondence, quotes the historical points made to the considerations which prompted Mr. | by Mr. Blaine and in many instances inBlaine he cannot believe that his propo- troduces additional data as contradicting sals will be even beneficial in themselves. the inferences drawn by Mr. Blaine and He can conceive a no more melancholy supporting his own position. spectacle than competition between nations in the construction of fortifications to command the canal. He cannot believe that any South American States would like to admit a foreign power to erect fortifications on its territory, when the claim to do so is accompanied by the declaration that the canal is to be regarded as a part of the American coast line. It is difficult to believe, he says, that the territory between it and the United States could retain its present independence. Lord Granville believes that an invitation to all the maritime

The point on which Mr. Blaine laid particular stress in his despatch to Earl Granville, is the objection made by the government of the United States to any concerted action of the European powers for the purpose of guarantying the neutrality of the Isthmus canal or determining the conditions of its use.


The entire question is complicated by the war between Chili and Peru, the latter states to participate in an agreement based owning immense guano deposits in which on the stipulations of the Convention of American citizens have become financially 1850, would make the Convention adequate tervention of our government to prevent interested. These sought the friendly infor the purposes for which it was designed. Chili, the conquering Republic, from apHer Majesty's Government would gladly see the United States take the initiative propriating these deposits as part of her towards such a convention, and will be war indemnity. The Landreau, an original prepared to endorse and support such action French claim, is said to represent $125,in any way. provided it does not conflict 000,000, and the holders were prior to and with the Clayton-Bulwer treaty. during the war pressing it upon Calderon, the Peruvian President, for settlement;

Lord Granville, in a subsequent despatch, draws attention to the fact that Mr. Blaine, in using the argument that the treaty has been a source of continual difficulties, omits to state that the questions in dispute which related to points occupied by the British in Central America were removed in 1860 by the voluntary action of Great Britain in certain treaties concluded with Honduras and Nicaragua, the settlement ter Hurlburt, and with other parties for being recognized as perfectly satisfactory which was to pay the $20,000,000 money the establishment of the Credit Industriel, by President Buchanan. Lord Granville says, further, that during this controversy to be reimbursed by the Peruvian nitrates indemnity demanded of Peru by Chili, and America disclaimed any desire to have to be reimbursed by the Peruvian nitrates the exclusive control of the canal. and guano deposits.

Cochet claim, of the same class, represented $1,000,000,000. Doubtfraudulent, and shrewd agents are interless these claims are speculative and largely ested in their collection and preservation. A still more preposterous and speculative movement was fathered by one Shipherd, who opened a correspondence with Minis


The Earl contends that in cases where the details of an international agreement have given rise to difficulties and discus- All of these things surround the quessions to such an extent as to cause the tion with scandals which probably fail to contracting parties at one time to contem-truthfully reach any prominent officer of plate its abrogation or modification as one our government, but which have nevertheof several possible alternatives, and where less attracted the attention of Congress to

such an extent that the following action | Ministers Plenipotentiary of the United has been already taken: States were either personally interested or improperly connected with a business transaction in which the intervention of this Government was requested or expected and whereas, it is alleged that certain papers in relation to the same subject have been improperly lost or removed from the files of the State Department, that therefore the Committee on Foreign Affairs be instructed to inquire into said allegations and ascertain the facts relating thereto, and report the same with such recommendations as they may deem proper, and they shall have power to send for persons and papers. The resolution was adopted.

On February 24th Mr. Bayard offered in the Senate a resolution reciting that whereas publication has been widely made by the public press of certain alleged public commercial contracts between certain companies and copartnerships of individual relative to the exports of guano and nitrate from Peru, in which the mediation by the Government of the United States between the Governments of Peru, Bolivia and Chili is declared to be a condition for the effectuation and continuance of the said contracts; therefore be it resolved, that the Committee on Foreign Relations be instructed to inquire whether any promise or stipulation by which the intervention by the United States in the controversies existing between Chili and Peru or Chili and Bolivia has been expressly or impliedly given by any person or persons officially connected with the Government of the gleaned from the prospectus of the compaUnited States, or whether the influence of ny, of which only a limited number of copthe Government of the United States haies was printed. According to a note on been in any way exerted, promised or inti-the cover of these "they are for the strictly mated in connection with, or in relation to private use of the gentlemen into whose the said contracts by any one officially con-hands they are immediately placed." nected with the Government of the United The prospects of the corporation are States, and whether any one officially con-based entirely upon the claims of Cochet nected with the Government of the United and Landreau, two French chemists, resiStates is interested, directly or indirectly, dents of Peru. In the year 1833, the Pewith any such alleged contracts in which ruvian government, by published decree, the mediation as aforesaid of the United promised to every discoverer of valuable State is recited to be a condition, and that deposits upon the public domain a premium the said committee have power to send for of one-third of the discovery as an incenpersons and paper and make report of their tive to the development of great natural proceedings in the premises to the Senate resources vaguely known to exist. In the at the earliest possible day. beginning of 1830, Alexandre Cochet, who was a man of superior information, occupied himself in the laborious work of manu


Mr. Edmunds said he had drafted a resolution covering all the branches o


The inner history of what is known as the Peruvian Company reads more like a tale from the Arabian Nights than a plain statement of facts. The following is

#6 that most unfortunate affair to whichfacturing nitrate of soda in a small oficina reference was now made, and in view of in Peru, and being possessed with quick the ill policy of any action which would intelligence and a careful observer he soon commit the Senate to inquiries about de- came to understand that the valuable proclaring foreign matters in advance of a perties contained in the guano an article careful investigation by a committee, he only known to native cultivators of the soil now made the suggestion that he would-would be eminently useful as a restorahave made as to his own resolution, if he tive to the exhausted lands of the old conhad offered it, namely, that the subject be tinent. With this idea he made himself referred to the Committee on Foreign Re- completely master of the mode of applicalations. He intimated that the proposition tion adopted by the Indians and small prepared by himself would be considered farmers in the province where he resided, by the committee as a suggestion bearing and after a careful investigation of the upon the pending resolution. chemical effects produced on the land by the proper application of the regenerating agent, he proceeded in the year 1840 to the capital (Lima) in order to interest some of his friends in this new enterprise. Not without great persuasion and much besitation, he induced his countryman, Mr. Achilles Allier, to take up the hazardous speculation and join with him in his discovery. He succeeded, however, and toward the end of the same year the firm of Quiroz & Allier obtained a concession for six years from the government of Peru for the ex

Mr. Bayard acquiesced in the reference with the remark that anything that tended to bring the matter more fully before the country was satisfactory to him.

The resolution accordingly went to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

In the House Mr. Kasson, of Iowa, offered a resolution reciting that whereas, it is alleged, in connection with the Chili Peruvian correspondence recently and officially published on the call of the two Houses of Congress, that one or more

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portation of all the guano existing in the in the service of a country whose cities had
afterwards famous islands of Chinchi for risen from desolation to splendor under the
the sum of sixty thousand dollars. In sole magic of his touch-a touch that had
consequence of the refusal of that firm to in it for Peru all the fabled power of the
admit Cochet, the discoverer, to a partici-long-sought "philosopher's stone." In 1853
pation in the profits growing out of this Cochet returned to France, but he was then
contract a series of lawsuits resulted and a already exhausted by enthusiastic explora-
paper war ensued in which Cochet was tions in a deadly climate and never rallied.
baffled. In vain he called the attention of He lingered in poverty for eleven painful
the government to the nature and value of years and died in Paris in an almshouse in
this discovery; he was told that he was a 1864, entitled to an estate worth $500,000,-
visionary." In vain he demonstrated | 000-the richest man in the history of the
that the nation possessed hundreds of mil-world-and was buried by the city in the
lions of dollars in the grand deposits: this Potters' Field; his wonderful history well il-
only confirmed the opinion of the Council lustrating that truth is stranger than fiction.
of State that he was a madman. In vain
he attempted to prove that one cargo of
guano was equal to fourteen cargoes of
grain; the Council of State cooly told him
that guano was an article known to the
Spaniards, and of no value: that Commis-
sioner Humbolt had referred to it, and that
they could not accept his theory respecting
its superior properties, its value and its
probable use in foreign agriculture at a pe-
riod when no new discovery could be made
relative to an article so long and of so evi-
dent small value.



About the year 1844 Jean Theophile Landreau, also a French citizen, in partnership with his brother, John C. Landreau, a naturalized American citizen, upon the faith of the promised premium of 333 per cent. entered upon a series of extended systematic and scientific explorations with a view to ascertaining whether the deposits of guano particularly pointed out by Cochet constituted the entire guano deposit of Peru, and with money furnished by his partAt length a new light began to dawn on ner, John, Theophile prosecuted his searchthe lethargic understanding of the officials es with remarkable energy and with great power, and as rumors continued to ar- success for twelve years, identifying beds rive from Europe confirming the assevera- not before known to the value of not less tions of Cochet, and announcing the sale than $400,000,000. Well aware, however, of guano at from $90 to $120 per ton, a de- of the manner in which his fellow-countrygree of haste was suddenly evinced to se- man had been neglected by an unprincicure once more to the public treasury this pled people, he had the discretion to keep new and unexpected source of wealth; and his own counsel and to extort from the Peat one blow the contract with Quiroz & ruvian authorities an absolute agreement Allier, which had previously been extend-in advance before he revealed his treasure. ed, was reduced to one year. Their claims This agreement was, indeed, for a royalty were cancelled by the payment of ten thou-of less than one-sixth the amount promised, sand tons of guano which Congress de- but the most solemn assurances were given creed them. There still remained to be that the lessened amount would be promptsettled the just and acknowledged indebt-ly and cheerfully paid, its total would give edness for benefits conferred on the coun- the brothers each a large fortune, and paytry by Cochet, benefits which could not be ments were to begin at once. The solemn denied as wealth and prosperity rolled in agreement having been concluded and duly on the government and on the people. But certified, the precious deposits having been few, if any, troubled themselves about the pointed out and taken possession of by the question to whom they were indebted for profligate government, the brothers were at so much good fortune, nor had time to pay first put off with plausible pretexts of departicular attention to Cochet's claims. lay, and when these grew monotonous the Finally, however, Congress was led to de- government calmly issued a decree recogclare Cochet the true discoverer of the value, nizing the discoveries, accepting the treause and application of guano for European sure, and annulling the contract, with a sugagriculture, and a grant of 5,000 tons was gestion that a more suitable agreement made in his favor September 30th, 1849, might be arranged in the future. but was never paid him. After passing a It will be seen that these two men, Coperiod of years in hopeless expectancy-chet and Landreau, have been acknowfrom 1840 to 1851-his impoverished cir- ledged by the Peruvian government as cumstances made it necessary for him to claimants. No attempt has ever been made endeavor to procure, through the influence to deny the indebtedness. The very deof his own government, that measure of cree of repudiation reaffirmed the obligasupport in favor of his claims which would tion, and all the courts refused to pronounce insure him a competency in his old age. against the plaintiffs. Both of these claims came into the possession of Mr. Peter W. Hevenor, of Philadelphia. Cochet left one

He resolved upon returning to France, after having spent the best part of his life

son whom Mr. Hevenor found in poverty in Lima and advanced money to push his father's claim of $500,000,000 against the government. After $50,000 were spent young Cochet's backer was surprised to learn of the Laudreaus and their claim. Not wishing to antagonize them, he advanced them money, and in a short time owned nearly all the fifteen interests in the Landreau claim of $125,000,000.

To the Peruvian Company Mr. Hevenor has transferred his titles, and on the basis of these that corporation maintains that eventually it will realize not less than $1,200,000,000, computed as follows:

The amount of guano already taken out of the Cochet Islands-including the Chinchas-will be shown by the Peruvian Custom House records, and will aggregate, it is said, not far from $1,200,000,000 worth. The discoverer's one-third of this would be $400,000,000, and interest upon this amount at six per cent. - say for an equalized average of twenty years-would be $480,000,000 more. The amount remaining in these islands is not positively known, and is probably not more than $200,000,000 worth; and in the Landreau deposits say $300,000,000 more. The Chilian plenipotentiary recently announced that his government are about opening very rich deposits on the Lobos Islands-which are included in this group. It is probably within safe limits, says the Peruvian Company's prospectus, to say that, including interest to accrue before the claim can be fully liquidated, its owners will realize no less than $1,200,000,000.


In South America there are ten independent governments; and the three Guianas which are dependencies on European powers. Of the independent governments Brazil is an empire, having an area of 3,609,160 square miles and 11,058,000 inhabitants. The other nine are republics. In giving area and population we use the most complete statistics at our command, but they are not strictly reliable, nor as late as we could have wished. The area and the population of the republics are: Venzuela, 426,712 square miles and 2,200,000 inhabitants; United States of Colombia, 475,000 square miles and 2,900,000 inhabitants; Peru, 580,000 square miles and 2,500,000 inhabitants; Ecuador, 208,000 square miles and 1,300,000 inhabitants; Bolivia, 842,730 square miles and 1,987,352 inhabitants; Chili, 200,000 square miles and 2,084,960 inhabitants; Argentine Republic, 1,323,560 square miles and 1,887,000 inhabitants; Paraguay, 73,000 square miles and 1,337,439 inhabitants; Uruguay, 66,716 square miles and 240,000 inhabitants, or a total in the nine republics of 3,789,220 square miles and 16,436,751 inhabitants. The aggregate area of the nine

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republics exceeds that of Erazil 180,060 square miles, and the total population exceeds that of Brazil 5,069,552. Brazil, being an empire, is not comprehended in the Blaine proposal-she rather stands as a strong barrier against it. Mexico and Guatamala are included, but are on this continent, and their character and resources better understood by our people. In the South American countries generally the Spanish language is spoken. The educated classes are of nearly pure Spanish extraction. The laboring classes are of mixed Spanish and aboriginal blood, or of pure aboriginal ancestry. The characteristics of the Continent are emphatically Spanish. The area and population we have already given. The territory is nearly equally divided between the republics and the empire, the former having a greater area of only 180,060 square miles; but the nine republics have an aggregate population of 5,059,522 more than Brazil. The United States has an area of 3,634,797 square miles, including Alaska; but excluding Alaska, it has 3,056,797 square miles. The area of Brazil is greater than that of the United States, excluding Alaska, by 552,363 square miles, and the aggregate area of the nine republics is greater by 732,423 square miles. This comparison of the area of the nine republics and of Brazil with that of this nation gives a definite idea of their magnitude. Geographically, these republics occupy the northern, western and southern portions of South America, and are contiguous. The aggregate exports and imports of South America, according to the last available data, were $529,300,000; those of Brazil, $168,930,000; of the nine republics, $360,360,000.

These resolutions will bring out voluminous correspondence, but we have given the reader sufficient to reach a fair understanding of the subject. Whatever of scandal may be connected with it, like the Star Route cases, it should await official investigation and condemnation. Last of all should history condemn any one in ad vance of official inquiry. None of the governments invited to the Congress had accepted formally, and in view of obstacles thrown in the way by the present administration, it is not probable they will.

Accepting the proposition of Mr. Blaine as stated in his letter to President Arthur, as conveying his true desire and meaning, it is due to the truth to say that it comprehends more than the Monroe doctrine, the text of which is given in President Monroe's own words in this volume. While he contended against foreign intervention with the Republics on this Hemisphere, he never asserted the right of our government to participate in or seek the control either of the internal, commercial or foreign policy of any of the Republics of America, by ar

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