rations. The question had little political property through the depredations of the Arbitrator on the part of the United States-CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. Arbitrator on the part of Great BritainThe Right Honorable Sir ALEXANDER COCKBURN, Baronet, Lord Chief Justice of England. Amendatory Enforcement Acts. Arbitrator on the part of Italy-His Ex Arbitrator on the part of Switzerland— Mr. JACOB STAMPFLI. Arbitrator on the part of Brazil-Baron D'ITAJUBA. Agent on the part of the United States-J. C. BANCROFT DAVIS. Agent on the part of Great Britain Right Honorable LORD TENTERDEN. Counsel for the United States—CALEB CUSHING, WILLIAM M. EVARTS, MORRISON R. WAITE. Counsel for Great Britain-Sir ROUNDELL PALMER. Solicitor for the United States-CHARLES C. BEAMAN, Jr. The operation of the 15th Amendment, being still resisted or evaded in portions of the South, an Act was passed to enforce it. This extended the powers of the Federal supervisors and marshals, authorized in the first, and gave the Federal Circuit Courts exclusive jurisdiction of all cases tried under the provisions of the Act and its supplements. It also empowered these Courts to punish any State officer who should attempt to interfere with or try such cases as in contempt of the Court's jurisdiction. The Republicans sustained, The 42d Congress met March 4, 1871, the Democrats opposed the measure, but the Republicans having suffered somewhat it was passed and approved February 28, in their representation. In the Senate 1871, and another supplement was insert- there were 57 Republicans, 17 Democrats; ed in the Sundry Civil Bill, and approved in the House 138 Republicans, 103 DemoJune 10th, 1872, with continued resistance crats. James G. Blaine was again chosen on the part of the Democrats. After the Speaker. The most exciting political appointment of a committee to investi- question of the session was the passage of gate the condition of affairs in the South- the "Force Bill," as the Democrats called ern States, Congress adjourned March 4th, 1871. The Alabama Claims. The Force Bill. it. The object was more rigidly to enforce observance of the provisions of the 14th Amendment, as the Republicans claim; to revive a waning political power in the South, and save the "carpet-bag" governDuring this year the long disputed Ala- ments there, as the Democrats claimed. bama Claims of the United States against The Act allowed suit in the Federal courts Great Britain, arising from the depreda- against any person who should deprive tions of the Anglo-rebel privateers, built another of the rights of a citizen, and it and fitted out in British waters, were re-made it a penal offense to conspire to take ferred by the Treaty of Washington, dated away any one's rights as a citizen. It also May 8th, 1871, to arbitrators, and this provided that inability, neglect, or refusal was the first and most signal triumph by any State governments to suppress such of the plan of arbitration, so far as the conspiracies, or their refusal to call upon Government of the United States was the President for aid, should be deemed a concerned. The arbitrators were appointed, denial by such State of the equal protecat the invitation of the governments of tion of the laws under the 14th AmendGreat Britain and the United States, from ment. It further declared such conspirathese powers, and from Brazil, Italy, and cies "a rebellion against the government Switzerland. On September 14th, 1872, of the United States," and authorized the they gave to the United States gross dam-President, when in his judgment the pubages to the amount of $15,500,000, an|lic safety required it, to suspend the priviamount which has subsequently proved to lege of habeas corpus in any district, and be really in excess of the demands of mer-suppress any such insurrection by the chants and others claiming the loss of army and navy. President Hayes's Civil Service Order. SIR:-I desire to call your attention to the following paragraph in a letter addressed by me to the Secretary of the Treasury, on the conduct to be observed by the officers of the General Government in relation to the elections: revivals under the administration of President Hayes, who issued the foregoing order. By letter from the Attorney-General, Charles Devens, August 1, 1877, this order was held to apply to the Pennsylvania Republican Association at Washington. Still later there was a further exposition, in which Attorney-General Devens, writing "No officer should be required or per-cuses himself from active participation in from Washington in October 1, 1877, exmitted to take part in the management of the Massachusetts State campaign, and political organizations, caucuses, convention or election campaigns. Their right to vote and to express their views on public questions, either orally or through the press. is not denied, provided it does not interfere with the discharge of their official duties. No assessment for political purposes on officers or subordinates should be allowed." This rule is applicable to every depart ment of the Civil Service. It should be understood by every officer of the General Government that he is expected to conform his conduct to its requirements. says: "I learn with surprise and regret that any of the Republican officials hesitate either to speak or vote, alleging as a reason the President's recent Civil Service order. In distinct terms that order states that the right of officials to vote and express their views on public questions, either orally or through the press, is not denied, provided it does not interfere with the discharge of their official duties. If such gentlemen choose not to vote, or not to express or enforce their views in support of the principles of the Republican party, either orally or otherwise, they, at least, should give a reason for such a course which is not justified by the order referred to, and which is simply a perversion of it." Yet later, when the interest in the Penn of the sharp struggle between Governor Hoyt and Senator Dill for Governor, a committee of gentlemen (Republicans) visited President Hayes and induced him to" suspend the operation of the order" as to Pennsylvania, where political contributions were collected. Very respectfully, R. B. HAYES. Some of the protests were strong, and it is difficult to say whether Curtis, Julian, or Eaton-its three leading advocates-or the politicians, had the best of the argu-sylvania election became general, because ment. It was not denied, however, that a strong and very respectable sentiment had been created in favor of the reform, and to this sentiment all parties, and the President as well, made a show of bowing. It was fashionable to insert civil service planks in National and State platforms, but it was was not such an issue as could livein the presence of more exciting ones; and while to this day it has earnest and able advocates, it has from year to year fallen into greater disuse. Actual trial showed the impracticability of some of the rules, and President Grant lost interest in the subject, as did Congress, for in several instances it neglected to appropriate the funds necessary to carry out the provisions of the law. President Arthur, in his message, to Congress in December, 1381, argued against its full application, and showed that it blocked the way to preferment, certainly of the middle-aged and older persons, who could not recall their early lessons acquired by rote; that its effect was to elevate the inexperienced to positions which required executive ability, sound judgment business aptitude, and experience. The feature of the message met the endorsment of nearly the entire Republican press, and at this writing the sentiment, at least of the Republican party, appears to favor a partial modification of the rules. The system was begun January 1st, 1872, but in December, 1874, Congress refused to make any appropriations, and it was for a time abandoned, with slight and spasmodic And opposition was manifested after even the earlier trials. Benjamin F. Butler denounced the plan as English and anti-Republican, and before long some of the more radical Republican papers, which had indeed given little attention to the subject, began to denounce it as a plan to exclude faithful Republicans from and permit Democrats to enter the offices. These now argued that none of the vagaries of political dreamers could ever convince them that a free Government can be run without political parties; that while rotation in office may not be a fundamental element of republícan government, yet the right of the people to recommend is its corner-stone; that civil service would lead to the creation of rings, and eventually to the purchase of places; that it would establish an aristocracy of office-holders, who could not be removed at times when it might be important, as in the rebellion fot the Administration to have only friends in public office; that it would establish grades and life-tenures in civic positions, etc. For later particulars touching civil service, see the Act of Congress of 1883, and the regulations made pursuant to the same in Book V. Amnesty. The first regular session of the 42d Congress met Dec. 4th, 1871. The Democrats consumed much of the time in efforts to pass bills to remove the political disabilities of former Southern rebels, and they were materially aided by the editorials of Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune, which had long contended for universal amnesty. At this session all such efforts were defeated by the Republicans, who invariably amended such propositions by adding Sumner's Supplementary Civil Rights Bill, which was intended to prevent any discrimination against colored persons by common carriers, hotels, or other chartered or licensed servants. The Amnesty Bill, however was passed May 22d, 1872, after an an agreement to exclude from its provisions all who held the higher military and civic positions under the Confederacy-in all about 350 persons. The following is a copy: Be it enacted, etc., (two-thirds of each House concurring ther ein,) That all legal and political disabilities imposed by the third section of the fourteenth article of the amendments of the Constitution of the United States are hereby removed from all persons whomsoever, except Senators and Representatives of the Thirty-sixth and Thirty-seventh Congress, officers in the judicial, military, and naval service of the United States, heads of Departments, and foreign ministers of the United States. Subsequently many acts removing the disabilities of all excepted (save Jefferson Davis] from the provisions of the above, were passed. The Liberal Republicans. An issue raised in Missouri gave immediate rise to the Liberal Republican party, though the course of Horace Greeley had long pointed toward the organization of something of the kind, and with equal plainness it pointed to his desire to be its champion and candidate for the Presidency. In 1870 the Republican party, then in control of the Legislature of Missouri, split into two parts on the question of the removal of the disqualifications imposed upon rebels by the State Constitution during the war. Those favoring the removal of disabilities were headed by B. Gratz Brown and Carl Schurz, and they called themselves Liberal Republicans; those opposed were called and accepted the name of Radical Republicans. The former quickly allied themselves with the Democrats, and thus carried the State, though Grant's administration "stood in" with the Radicals. As a result the disabilities were quickly removed, and those who believed with Greeley now sought to promote a reaction in Republican senti ment all over the country. Greeley was the recognized head of this movement, and he was ably aided by ex-Governor Curtin and Col. A. K. McClure in Pennsylvania; Charles Francis Adams, Massachusetts; Judge Trumbull, in Illinois; Reuben E. Fenton, in New York; Brown and Schurz in Missouri, and in fact by leading Republicans in nearly all of the States, who at once began to lay plans to carry the next Presidential election. They charged that the Enforcement Acts of Congress were designed more for the political advancement of Grant's adherents than for the benefit of the country; that instead of suppressing they were calculated to promote a war of races in the South; that Grant was seeking the establishment of a military despotism, etc. These leaders were, as a rule, brilliant men. They had tired of unappreciated and unrewarded service in the Republican party, or had a natural fondness for "pastures new," and, in the language of the day, they quickly succeeded in making political movements "lively." In the spring of 1871 the Liberal Republicans and Democrats of Ohio—and Ohio seems to be the most fertile soil for new ideas-prepared for a fusion, and after frequent consultations of the various leaders with Mr. Greeley in New York, a call was issued from Missouri on the 24th of January, 1872, for a National Convention of the Liberal Republican party to be held at Cincinnati, May 1st. The well-matured plans of the leaders were carried out in the nomination of Hon. Horace Greeley for President and B. Gratz Brown for VicePresident, though not without a serious struggle over the chief nomination, which was warmly contested by the friends of Charles Francis Adams. Indeed he led in most of the six ballots, but finally all the friends of other candidates voted for Greeley, and he received 482 to 187 for Adams. Dissatisfaction followed, and a later effort was made to substitute Adams for Greeley, but it failed. The original leaders now prepared to capture the Democratic Convention, which met at Baltimore, June 9th. By nearly an unanimous vote it was induced to endorse the Cincinnati platform, and it likewise finally endorsed Greeley and Brown-though not without many bitter protests. A few straight-out Democrats met later at Louisville, Ky., Sept. 3d, and nominated Charles O'Conor, of New York, for President, and John Quincy Adams, of Massachusetts, for VicePresident, and these were kept in the race to the end, receiving a popular vote of about 30,000. The regular Republican National Convention was held at Philadelphia, June 5th. It renominated President Grant unanimously, and Henry Wilson, of Mas sachusetts, for Vice-President by 3641 | shall be chosen by the President from the votes to 321 for Schuyler Colfax, who several Departments, and they shall ex thus shared the fate of Hannibal Hamlin amine at Washington for any position in his second candidacy for Vice-President there, or, when directed by an Advisory on the ticket with Abraham Lincoln. Board, shall assign places for examination This change to Wilson was to favor the in the several States. Examinations are solid Republican States of New England, in all cases first made of applicants within and to prevent both candidates coming the office or department, and from the list from the West. three reported in the order of excellence; if those within fail, then outside applicants may be examined. In the Federal Blue Book, which is a part of this volume, we give the Civil Service Rules. Civil Service Reform. After considerable and very able agitation by Geo. W. Curtis, the editor of Harper's Weekly, an Act was passed March 24, 1871, authorizing the President to begin a reform in the civil service. He appointed a Commission headed by Mr. Curtis, and after more than a year's preparation this body defeated a measure which secured Congressional approval and that of President Grant. When first proposed, partisan politics had no part or place in civil service reform, and the author of the plan was himself a distinguished Republican. In fact both parties thought something good had been reached, and there was practically no resistance at first to a trial. The Democrats resisted the passage of this bill with even more earnestness than any which preceded it, but the Republican disciplíne was almost perfect, and when passed it received the prompt ap time was classed as "the most radical of the radicals." Opponents denounced it as little if any less obnoxious than the old Sedition law of 1798, while the Republicans claimed that it was to meet a state of growing war in the South-a war of races manifested was in the highest degree dangerous to the peace of the Union and the safety of the newly enfranchised citizens, The Credit Mobilier. The civil service law (and it is still a law though more honored now in the treach than the observance) embraced in a single section of the act making appropri-proval of President Grant, who by this ations for sundry civil expenses for the year ending June 30, 1872, and authorize the President to prescribe such rules and regulations for admission into the civil service as will best promote the efficiency thereof, and ascertain the fitness of each candidate for the branch of service into and that the form of domestic violence which he seeks to enter. Under this law a commission was appointed to draft rules and regulations which were approved and are now being enforced by the President. All applicants for position in any of the Fovernment departments come under these rules-all clas-es of clerks, copyists, counters; in the customs service all from deputy collector down to inspectors and clerks with the salaries of $1200 or more; in appraisers' offices all assistants and clerks; in the naval service all clerks; all lighthouse keepers; in the revenue, supervisors, collectors, assessors, assistants; in the postal really all postmasters whose pay is over $200, and all mail messengers. The rules apply to all new appointments in the departments or grades named, except that nothing shall prevent the reappointment at discretion of the incumbents of any office the term of which is fixed by law." So that a postmaster or other officer escapes their application. Those specially exempt are the Heads of Departments; their immediate assistants and deputies, the diplomatic service, the judiciary, and the district attorneys. Each branch of the service is to be grouped, and admission shall always be to the lowest grade of any group. Such appointments are made for a probationary term of six months, when if the Board of Examiners approve the incumbent is continued. This Board of Examiners, three in number in each case, At the second session of the 42d Congress, beginning Dec. 2, 1872, the speaker (Blaine) on the first day called attention to the charges made by Democratic orators and newspapers during the Presidential campaign just closed, that the Vice President (Colfax), the Vice President elect (Wilson), the Secretary of the Treasury, several Senators, the Speaker of the House, and a large number of Representatives had been bribed, during the years 1867 and 1868, by Oakes Ames, a member of the House from Massachusetts; that he and his agents had given them presents of stock in a corporation known as the Credit Mobilier, to influence their legislative action for the benefit of the Union Pacific Railroad Compay. Upon Speaker Blaine's motion, a committee of investigation was appointed by Hon. S. S. Cox, of New York, a noted Democrat temporarily called to the Chair. After the close of the campaign, (as was remarked by the Republic Magazine at the time) the dominant party might well have claimed, and would have insisted had they been opposed to a a thorough investigation and a full exposure of corruption, that the | Wilmington, in the State of Delaware, to verdict of the people in the late canvss the effect that members of this House was sufficient answer to these charges; but the Republican party not merely granted all the investigations sought, but summoned on the leading committee a majority of its political foes to conduct the inquest. The committee consisted of Messrs. Poland, of Vermont; McCreary, of Iowa; Banks, of Massachusetts; Niblack, of Indiana, and Merrick, of Maryland. were bribed by Oakes Ames to perforin certain legislative acts for the benefit of the Union Pacific Railroad Company, by presents of stock in the Credit Mobilier of America, or by presents of a valuable character derived therefrom: therefore, Resolved, further, That the committee have the right to employ a stenographer, and that they be empowered to send for persons and papers; beg leave to make the following report: Resolved, That a special committee of five members be appointed by the Speaker pro tempore, whose duty it shall be to investigate whether any member of this Messrs. Poland and McCreary-the two House was bribed by Oakes Ames, or any Republicans were gentlemen of ability other person or corporation, in any matter and standing, well known for their integ-touching his legislative duty. rity, moderation, and impartiality. General Banks was an earnest supporter of Horace Greeley, upon the alleged ground that the Republican organization had become effete and corrupt: while Messrs. Niblack and Merrick are among the ablest In order to a clear understanding of the representatives of the Democratic party; facts hereinafter stated as to contracts and in fact, Mr. Merrick belonged to the ex-dealings in reference to stock of the Credit treme Southern school of political thought. Having patiently and carefully examined and sifted the entire testimony-often painfully conflicting," as the committee remarked their report ought to be considered a judicial document commanding universal approval, yet scraps of the testimony and not the report itself were used with painful frequency against James A. Garfield in his Presidential canvass of 1880. There has not been a state paper submitted for many years upon a similar subject that carried with it greater weight, or which bore upon its face a fuller realization of the grave responsibilities assumed, and it is the first time in the political history of the United States that an all-important investigation has been entrusted by the dominant party to a majority of its political foes. The report of the committee gives the best and by far the most reliable history of the whole affair, and its presentation here may aid in preventing partisan misrepresentations in the future-misrepresentations made in the heat of contest, and doubtless regretted afterwards by all who had the facilities for getting at the facts. We therefore give the OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE CREDIT MO BILIER INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE. Mr. Poland, from the select committee to investigate the alleged Credit Mobilier bribery, made the following report February 18, 1873: The special committee appointed under the following resolutions of the House to wit : Mobilier of America, between Mr. Oakes Ames and others, and members of Congress, it is necessary to make a preliminary statement of the connection of that company with the Union Pacific Railroad Company, and their relations to each other. " The company called the "Credit Mobilier of America was incorporated by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, and in 1864 control of its charter and franchises had been obtained by certain persons interested in the Union Pacific Railroad Company, for the purpose of using it as a construction company to build the Union Pacific road. In September, 1864, a contract was entered into between the Union Pacific Company and H. M. Hoxie, for the building by said Hoxie of one hundred miles of said road from Omaha west. This contract was at once assigned by Hoxie to the Credit Mobilier Company, as it was expected to be when made. Under this contract and extensions of it some two or three hundred miles of road were built by the Credit Mobilier Company, but no considerable profits appear to have been realized therefrom. The enterprise of building a railroad to the Pacific was of such vast magnitude, and was beset by so many hazards and risks that the capitalists of the country were generally averse to investing in it, and, notwithstanding the liberal aid granted by the Government it seemed likely to fail of completion. In 1865 or 1866, Mr. Oakes Ames, then and now a member of the House from the State of Massachusetts, and his brother Oliver Ames became interested in the Union Pacific Company and also in the WHEREAS, Accusations have been made Credit Mobilier Company as the agents for in the public press, founded on alleged the construction of the road. The Mesletters of Oakes Ames, a Representative of srs. Ames were men of very large capital, Massachusetts, and upon the alleged affi- and of known character and integrity in davits of Henry S. McComb, a citizen of business. By their example and credit, |