parently decided declarations on his part, Horatio Seymour, of New York, was therefore nominated for President, and Francis P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri, for Vice President.*

The 41st Congress met in extra session March 4th, 1869, with a large Republican majority in both branches. In the Senate there were 58 Republicans, 10 Democrats and 8 vacancies; in the House 149 RepubAn active canvass followed, in which the licans, 64 Democrats and 25 vacancies, brief expression-" let us have peace"-in Mississippi, Texas, Virginia and Georgia Grant's letter of acceptance, was liberally not being represented. James G. Blaine, employed by Republican journals and ora- for several years previous its leading parliators to tone down what were regarded as mentarian and orator, was Speaker of the rapidly growing race and sectional differ- House. All of Grant's nominations for erences, and with such effect that Grant Cabinet places were confirmed, except A. carried all of the States save eight, receiv- T. Stewart, of New York, nominated for ing an electoral vote of 214 against 80. Secretary of the Treasury, and being enGrant inaugurated, and the Congres-gaged in foreign commerce he was ineligi sional plan of reconstruction was rapidly ble under the law, and his name was withpu-hed, with at first very little opposition drawn. The names of the Cabinet will be Save that manifested by the Democrat- in Congress. The conditions of readmission were the ratification of the thirteenth and fourteenth constitutional amendments.

found in the list of all Cabinet officers elsewhere given. Their announcement at first created the impression that the Grant administration was not intended to be parOn the 25th of February, 1869, the fif- tisan, rather personal, but if there ever teenth amendment was added to the list by was such a purpose, a little political exits adoption in Congress and submission to perience on the part of the President quickthe States. It conferred the right of suf-ly changed it. A political struggle soon frage on all citizens, without distinction of followed in Congress as to the admission of race, color or previous condition of servi- Virginia, Mississippi and Texas, which had tude." By the 30th of March, 1870, it was not ratified the Fourteenth Amendment or ratified by twenty-nine States, the required been reconstructed. A bill was passed three-fourths of all in the Union. There April 10th, authorizing their people to was much local agitation in some of the vote on the constitutions already prepared Northern States on this new advance, and by the State conventions, to elect members many who had never manifested their hos-of Congress and State officers, and requirtility to the negroes before did it now, anding before readmission to the Union, their ortion of these passed over to the Demo- Legislatures to ratify both the Fourteenth cratic party. The issue, however, was and Fifteenth Amendments. This work -hrewdly handled, and in most instances done, and the extra session adjourned. met Legislature ready to receive it. Many of the Southern States were specially interested in its passage, since a denial of suffrage would abridge their representation in Congress. This was of course true of all the States, but its force was indisputable in sections containing large colored populations.

a

In all of the Southern States, those who then prided themselves in being "unreconstructed and "irreconcilable," bitterly opposed both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, and on these issues excited new feelings of hostility to the "carpet baggers" and negroes of the South. With the close of the war thousands of North

The enforcement of the Ku Klux Act

ern men had settled in the South. All of] tion here, and they are of little use gave as them were now denounced as political ad- relics of the bitter days of reconstruction. venturers by the rebels who opposed the They have little force now, although some amendments, reconstruction and freedman's of them still stand. They became a dead bureau acts. Many of these organized letter after the defeat of the "carpet-bag themselves first into Ku Klux Klans, secret governments," but the President enforced societies, organized with a view to affright them as a rule with moderation and wisdom. negroes from participancy in the elections, and to warn white men of opposing politi-led to the disbanding of that organization cal views to leave the country. The object after the trial, arrest and conviction of of the organization broadened with the many of the leaders. These trials brought troubles which it produced. Efforts to out the facts, and awakened many Southaffright were followed by midnight assaults, ern minds, theretofore incredulous, to the by horrible whippings, outrages and mur- enormity of the secret political crimes ders, hardly a fraction of which could be which had been committed in all the Southtraced to the perpetrators. Doubtless ern States, and for a time popular sentimany of the stories current at the time ment even in the South, and amongst forwere exaggerated by partisan newspapers, mer rebel soldiers, ran strongly against the but all of the official reports made then Klan. With fresh political excitements, and since go to show the dangerous exces- however, fresh means of intimidation were ses which political and race hostilities employed at elections. Rifle clubs were may reach. In Georgia the whites, by formed, notably in South Carolina and these agencies, soon gained absolute politi- Mississippi, while in Louisiana the "White cal control, and this they used with more League sprang into existence, and was wisdom than in most Southern States, for organized in all of the neighboring States. under the advice of men like Stevens and These were more difficult to deal with. Hill, they passed laws providing for free They were open organizations, created unpublic schools, etc., but carefully guarded der the semblance of State militia acts. their newly acquired power by also passing They became very popular, especially tax laws which virtually disfranchised more among the younger men, and from this than half the blacks. Later on, several time until the close of the Presidential Southern States imitated this form of po- election in 1876, were potent factors in litical sagacity, and soon those in favor of several Southern States, and we shall have "a white man's government," (the popular occasion further on to describe their more battle cry of the period) had undisputed important movements. control in Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas and Texas-States which the Republicans at one time had reason to believe they could control.

The Enforcement Acts.

To repress the Ku Klux outrages, Congress in May 31, 1870, passed an act giving to the President all needed powers to protect the freedmen in their newly acquired rights, and to punish the perpetrators of all outrages, whether upon whites or blacks. This was called in Congress the Enforcement Act, and an Amendatory Enforceinent Act was inserted in the Sundry Civil Bill, June 10, 1872. The Ku Klux Act was passed April 20, 1871. All of these measures were strongly advocated by Senator Oliver P. Morton, who through this advocacy won new political distinction as the special champion of the rights of the blacks. Later on James G. Blaine, then the admitted leader of the House, opposed some of the supplements for its better enforcement, and to this fact is traceable the refusal on the part of the negroes of the South to give him that warm support as a Presidential candidate which his high abilities commanded in other sections.

The several Enforcement Acts and their supplements are too voluminous for inser

Readmission of Rebellious States.

Before the close of 1869 the Supreme Court, in the case of Texas vs. White, sustained the constitutionality of the Reconstruction acts of Congress. It held that the ordinances of secession had been "absolutely null;" that the seceding States had no right to secede and had never been out of the Union, but that, during and after their rebellion, they had no governments "competent to represent these States in their relations with the National government," and therefore Congress had the power to re-establish the relations of any rebellious State to the Union. This decision fortified the position of the Republicans, and did much to aid President Grant in the difficult work of reconstruction. It modified the assaults of the Democrats, and in some measure changed their purpose to make Reconstruction the pivot around which smaller political issues should revolve.

The regular session of the 41st Congress met Dec. 4th, 1869, and before its close Virginia, Georgia, Texas, and Mississippi had all complied with the conditions of reconstruction, and were re-admitted to the Union. This practically completed the work of reconstruction. To summarize :—

Tennessee was re-admitted July 24th, that Thaddeus Stevens admitted the Re1966; Arkansas, June 22d, 1868; North publicans were travelling outside of the Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, constitution" with a view to preserve the Georgia and Florida under the act of June government, and this soon became one of 25th, 16, which provided that as soon as his favorite ways of meeting partisan obthey fulfilled the conditions imposed by jections to war measures. At the Decemthe acts of March, 1:67, they should be re- ber term of the Supreme Court, in 1869, admitted. All did this promptly except decision was rendered that the action of Georgia. Virginia was re-admitted Jan- Congress was unconstitutional, the Court uary 25th, 1970; Mississippi, Feb. 23d, then being accidentally Democratic in its 1-70; Texas, March 30th, 1870. Georgia, composition. The Republicans, believing the most powerful and stubborn of all, had elta laws declaring negroes incapaHle on holding office, in addition to what was known as the "black code," and Congross retus-l full admission until she had rovoked the laws and ratified the 15th Amendment. The State finally came back into the Union July 15th, 1870.

they could not afford to have their favorite, and it must be admitted most useful financial measure questioned, secured an increase of two in the number of Suj reme Justices-one under a law creating an additional Justice-hip, the other in place of a Justice who had re-igned-and in March, 1870, after the complexion of the Court had been changed through Republican apprintments made by President Grant, the constitutionality of the legal tender act was again raised, and, with Chief Justice Chase (who had been Secretary of the Treasury in 1862 presiding the previous decision was reversed. This was clearly a partisan struggle before the Court, and on the part of the Republicans an abandonment of old landmarks impressed on the country by the Jackson Democrats, but it is plain that without the greenbacks the war could not have been pressed with half the vigor, if at all. Neither party was consistent in this struggle, for Southern The Republicans through other guards Democrats who sided with their Northabout the ballot by passing an act to ern colleagues in the plea of unconamend the naturalization laws, which made stitutionality, had when "out of the it penai to use false naturalization papers. Union," witnessed and advocated the issue authorized the appointment of Federal of the same class of money by the Consupervisors of elections in cities of over 201940 inhabitants; gave to these power of arrest for any offense committed in their view, and gave alien Africans the right to naturalize. The Democrats in their opposition laid particular stress upon the extraordinary powers given to Federal supervisors, while the Republicans charged that Seymour had carried New York by gigantie naturalization frauds in New York city. and sought to sustain these charges by the unprecedented vore polled. A popular quotation of the time was from Horace Greeley, in the New York Tribune, who showed that under the manipulations of the Tweed ring, more votes had been cast, for Seymour in one of the warehouse wards of the city, "than there were men, women, children, and cats and dogs in it.”

The above named States completed the ratification of the 15th amendment, and the powers of reconstruction were plainly sed to that end. Some of the Northern States hai hed back, and for a time its ratification by the necessary three-fourths matter of grave doubt. Congres next pa-e‹d a bill to enforce it, May 30th, 1870. ` This made penal any interference, by force or fraud, with the right of free and fill manhood suffrage, and authorized the President to use the army to prevent violations. The measure was generally supported by the Republicans, and opposed br all of the Democrats.

The Legal Tender Decision. The Act of Congress of 1862 had made "greenback" notes a legal tender, and they passed as such until 1869 against the protests of the Democrats in Congress, who had questioned the right of Congress to issue paper money. It was on this issue

!

federate Congress. The difference was only in the ability to redeem, and this ability depended upon success in armsthe very thing the issue was designed to promote. The last decision, despite its partisan surroundings and opposition, soon won popularity, and this popularity was subsequently taken as the groundwork for the establishment of

The Greenback Party.

This party, with a view to ease the rigors of the monetary panic of 1873, adrocated an unlimited issue of greenbacks, or an "issue based upon the resources of the country." So vigorously did dis contented leaders of both parties press this idea, that they soon succeeded in demoral izing the Democratic minority —which was by this time such a plain minority, and so greatly in need of new issues to make the people forget the war, that it is not surprising they yielded, at least partially, to new theories and alliances. The present one took them away from the principles of Jackson, from the hardmoney theories of the early days, and would land them they knew not where, nor did

The

many of them care, if they could once defeat with true political grace. more get upon their feet. Some resisted, Greenbackers had the year before formed and comparatively few of the Democrats a close alliance with the Democrats, and in the Middle States yielded, but in part in the State election made the result so of New England, the great West, and close that for many weeks it remained a nearly all of the South, it was for several matter of doubt who was elected Governor, years quite difficult to draw a line between the Democratic Greenbacker or the ReGreenbackers and Democrats. Some Re-publican. A struggle followed in the publicans, too, who had tired of the "old Legislature and before the Returning war issues," or discontented with the man- Board composed of State officers, who agement and leadership of their party, were Democrats, (headed by Gov. Garaided in the construction of the Green-celon) and sought to throw out returns on back bridge, and kept upon it as long as it slight technicalities. Finally the Repubwas safe to do so. In State elections up licans won, but not without a struggle to as late as 1880 this Greenback element which excited attention all over the Union was a most important factor. Ohio was and commanded the presence of the State carried by an alliance of Greenbackers and militia. Following Garfield's nomination Democrats, Allen being elected Governor, another struggle, as we have stated, was only to be supplanted by Hayes (after- inaugurated, with Davis as the Republican wards President) after a most remarkable nominee for Governor, Plaisted the Democontest, the alliance favoring the Green- cratic-Groenback, (the latter a former Reback, the Republicans not quite the hard-publican). All eyes now turned to Maine, money, but a redeemable-in-gold theory. which voted in September. Gen'l Weaver Indiana, always doubtful, passed over to was on the stump then, as the Greenback the Democratic column, while in the candidate for President, and all of his Southern States the Democratic leaders efforts were bent to breaking the alliance made open alliances until the Greenback-between the Greenbackers and Demoers became over-confident and sought to win Congressional and State elections on their own merits. They fancied that the desire to repudiate ante-war debts would greatly aid them, and they openly advocated the idea of repudiation there, but they had experienced and wise leaders to cope with. They were not allowed to monopolize this issue by the Democrats, and their arrogance, if such it may be called, was punished by a more complete assertion of Democratic power in the South than was ever known before. The theory in the South was welcomed where it would suit the Democracy, crushed where it would not, as shown in the Presidential The victory of Plaisted alarmed the Reelection of 1880, when Garfield, Hancock publicans and enthused the Democrats, and Weaver (Greenbacker) were the can- who now denounced Weaver, but still didates. The latter, in his stumping tour sought alliance with his followers. Geneof the South, proclaimed that he and his ral B. F. Butler, long a brilliant Republifriends were as much maltreated in Ala- can member of Congress from Massachubama and other States, as the Republicans, setts, for several years advocated Greenand for some cause thereafter (the Demo-back ideas without breaking from his Recrats alleged "a bargain and sale ") he publican Congressional colleagues. Bepractically threw his aid to the Repub-cause of this fact he lost whatever of licans--this when it became apparent that the Greenbackers, in the event of the election going to the House, could have no

chance even there.

crats.

He advocated a straight-out policy for his Greenback friends, described his treatment in the South, and denounced the Democracy with such plainness that it displayed his purpose and defeated his object. Plaisted was elected by a close vote, and the Republicans yielded after some threats to invoke the Garcelon precedents." This was the second Democratic-Greenback victory in Maine, the first occurring two years before, when through an alliance in the Legislature (no candidate having received a majority of all the popular vote) Garland was returned.

chance he had for a Republican nomination for Governor, "his only remaining political ambition," and thereupon headed the Greenbackers in Massachusetts, and in Gen'l Weaver went from the South to spite of the protests of the hard-money Maine, the scene of what was regarded at Democrats in that State, captured the Dethat moment as a pivotal struggle for the mocratic organization, and after these tacPresidency. Blaine had twice been the tics twice ran for Governor, and was demost prominent candidate for the Presi- feated both times by the Republicans, dency-1876 and 1880-and had both though he succeeded, upon State and times been defeated by compromise candi- "anti-blue blood" theories, in greatly redates. He was still, as he had been for ducing their majority. In the winter of many years, Chairman of the Republican 1882 he still held control of the DemoState Committee of Maine, and now as cratic State Committee, after the Green•ver before swallowed the mortification of] back organization had passed from view,

and “what will he do next?" is one of the political questions of the hour.

bal-by

Western, until the whole country was surprised in 1880 by the passage of the KanThe Greenback labor party ceased all sas amendment by over 20,000 majority in Congressional alliance with the Democrats a vote of the people invoked by the Legisafter their quarrel with General Weaver, lature. An effort followed to submit a simand as late as the 47th session-1881-82-ilar amendment through the Pennsylvania refused all alliance, and abstained from Legislature in 1881. It passed the House exercising what some still believe a "bal- by a large majority, but after discussion in ance of power" in the House, though the Senate, and amendments to indemnify nearly half of their number were elected manufacturers and dealers in liquor (an more as Republicans than Greenbackers. amendment which would cripple if it would As a party, the Greenbackers, standing not bankrupt the State) was adopted. Govalone, never carried either a State or aernor St. John of Kansas, a gentleman fond Congressional district. Their local suc-of stumping for this amendment, insists cesses were due to alliances with one or that the results are good in his State, while other of the great parties, and with the its enemies claim that it has made many passage of the panic they dissolved in criminals, that liquor is everywhere smugmany sections, and where they still obtain gled and sold, and that the law has turned it is in alliance with labor unions, or in the tide of immigration away from that great strong mining or workingmen's districts. State. The example of Kansas, however, In the Middle States they won few local will probably be followed in other States, successes, but were strong in the coal and the Prohibitory Party will hardly pass region of Pennsylvania. Advocates of from view until this latest experiment has similar theories have not been wanting in been fairly tested. It was also the author all the countries of Western Europe follow-of "Local Option," which for a time swept ing great wars or panics, but it was re- Pennsylvania, but was repealed by a large served to the genius of Americans to estab- majority after two years' trial. lish an aggressive political party on the basis of theories which all great political economiss have from the beginning antagonized as unsafe and unsound.

The Prohibitory Party.

Anncxation of San Domingo. The second session of the 41st Congress began December 5th, 1870. With all of the States represented, reconstruction being complete, the body was now divided politically as follows: Senate, 61 RepubThe attempt to establish a third party in licans, 13 Democrats; House 172 Republithe Greenback, begot that to establish a cans, 71 Democrats. President Grant's anNational Prohibitory Party, which in 1880 nual message discussed a new question, ran James Black of Pennsylvania, as a and advocated the annexation of San Docandidate for the Presidency, and four mingo to the United States. A treaty had years previous ran Neal Dow of Maine. been negotiated between President Grant He, however, commanded little attention, and the President of the Republic of San and received but sparsely scattered votes Domingo as early as September 4th, 1869, in all the States. The sentiment at the looking to annexation, but it had been rebase of this party never thrived save as injected by the Senate, Charles Sumner beStates, particularly in New England, where ing prominent in his opposition to the it sought to impress itself on the prevail- measure. He and Grant experienced a ing political party, and through it to influ- growing personal unpleasantness, because ence legislation. Neal Dow of Maine, first of the President's attempt to negotiate a advocated a prohibitory law, and by his treaty without consulting Mr. Sumner, who eloquent advocacy, secured that of Maine, was Chairman of the Committee on Forwhich has stood for nearly thirty years. eign Affairs, and it was charged that That of Massachusetts has recently been through the influence of the President he repealed. The prohibitory amendment to was removed by the Republican caucus the Constitution of Kansas was adopted in from this Chairmanship, and Senator Si1881, etc. The Prohibitory Party, how-mon Cameron put in his place. Whether ever, never accomplished anything by sep- this was true or not, the differences bearate political action, and though fond of tween Grant and Sumner were universally nominating candidates for State and local remarked, and Sumner's imperious pride officers, has not as yet succeeded in hold-led him into a very vindictive assault uping even a balance of power between the political parties, though it has often confused political calculations as to results in New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, Massachusetts, etc. It seems never to have taken hold in any of the Southern States, and comparatively little in the

on the proposition. Grant gave few other reasons for annexation than military ones, suggested that as a naval station it would facilitate all home operations in the Gulf, while in the hands of a foreign power, in the event of war, it would prove the depot for many and dangerous warlike prepa