ered from such sources, is to account for the frequent use of the saying touching "the ingratitude of republics," for when partisan hatred could deride the still recent utterances of Henry before the startled assembly of Virginians, and of Adams in advocating the adoption of the Declaration, there must at least to every surface view have been rank ingratitude. Their good As the new measures of the government names, however, survived the struggle, as advanced, however, the anti-federalists orgood names in our republic have ever sur-ganized an opposition to the party in vived the passions of the law. In politics the Americans then as now, hated with promptness and forgave with generosity The Anti-Federals denied nearly all that the Federals asserted. The latter had for the first time assumed the aggressive, and had the advantage of position. They showed the deplorable condition of the country, and their opponents had to bear the burdens of denial at a time when nearly all public and private obligations were dishonored; when labor was poorly paid, work men getting but twenty-five cents a day, with little to do at that; when even the rich in lands were poor in purse, and when commerce on the seas was checked by the coldness of foreign nations and restricted by the action of the States themselves; when manufactures were without protection of any kind, and when the people thought their struggle for freedom was about to end in national poverty Still Henry, and Adams and Hancock, with hosts of others, claimed that the aspirations of the AntiFederals were the freest, that they pointed to personal liberty and local sovereignty Yet many Anti-Federals must have accepted the views of the Federals, who under the circumstances must have presented the better reason, and the result was as stated, the ratification of the Federal constitution of 1787 by three-fourths of the States of the Union. After this the Anti-Federalists were given a new name, that of "Close Constructionists," because they naturally desired to interpret the new instrument in such a way as to bend it to their views. The Federalists became "Broad Constructionists," because they interpreted the constitution in a way calculated to broaden the power of the national government. by the congressional caucus and appointed by the electoral college He selected his cabinet from the leading minds of both parties, and while himself a recognized Federalist, all felt that he was acting for the good of all, and in the earlier years of his administration, none disputed this fact. The Confederacy once dissolved, the Federal party entered upon the enjoyment of full political power, but it was not without its responsibilities. The government had to be organized upon the basis of the new constitution, as upon the success of that organization would depend not alone the stability of the government and the happiness of its people, but the reputation of the party and the fame of its leaders as statesmen. Fortunately for all, party hostilities were not manifested in the Presidential election. All bowed to the popularity of Washington, and he was unanimously nominated power. Immediate danger had passed. The first session of Congress under the Federal constitution, held in New York, sat for nearly six months, the adjournment taking place September 29th, 1789. Nearly all the laws framed pointed to the organization of the government, and the discussions were able and protracted. Indeed, these discussions developed opposing views, which could easily find separation on much the same old lines as those which separated the founders of constitutional government Edwin Williams in Statesman's Manual. from those who favored the old confederate interested in distilleries, prepared for methods. The Federalists, on pivotal armed resistance to the excise, but at the questions, at this session, carried their same session a national militia law had measures only by small majorities. Much of the second session was devoted to the discussion of the able reports of Hamilton, and their final adoption did much to build up the credit of the nation and to promote its industries. He was the author of the protective system, and at the first session gave definite shape to his theories. He recommended the funding of the war debt the assumption of the state war debts by the national government, the providing of a system of revenue from the collection of duties on imports, and an internal excise. His advocacy of a protective tariff was plain, for he declared it to be necessary for the support of the government and the encouragement of manufuctures that duties be laid on goods, wares, and merchandise imported. been passed, and Washington took advantage of this to suppress the "Whisky Rebellion" in its incipiency. It was a hasty, rash undertaking, yet was dealt with so firmly that the action of the authorities strengthened the law, and the respect for order. The four counties which rebelled did no further damage than to tar and feather a government tax collector and rob him of his horse, though many threats were made and the agitation continued until 1794, when Washington's threatened appearance at the head of fifteen thousand militia settled the whole question. The first session of the Second Congress also passed the first methodic apportionment bill, which based the congressional representation on the census taken in 1790, the basis being 33,000 inhabitants for each representative. The second session which sat from November, 1792, to March, 1793, was mainly occupied in a discussion of the foreign and domestic relations of the country. No important measures were adopted. The Republican and Federal Parties. The third session of the same Congress was held at Philadelphia, though the seat of the national government had, at the previous one, been fixed on the Potomac instead of the Susquehanna-this after a compromise with Southern members, who refused to vote for the Assumption Bill until the location of the capital in the District of Columbia had been agreed upon; by the way this was the first exhi The most serious objection to the conbition of log-rolling in Congress, To stitution before its ratification was the abcomplete Hamilton's financial system, a sence of a distinct bill of rights, which national bank was incorporated. On this should recognize "the equality of all project both the members of Congress and men, and their rights to life, liberty and of the cabinet were divided, but it passed, the pursuit of happiness," and at the first and was promptly approved by Washing- session of Congress a bill was framed conton. By this time it was well known that taining twelve articles, ten of which were Jefferson and Hamilton held opposing afterwards ratified as amendments to the views on many questions of government, constitution. Yet state sovereignty, then and these found their way into and influ- imperfectly defined, was the prevailing enced the action of Congress, and passed idea in the minds of the Anti-Federalists, naturally from thence to the people, who and they took every opportunity to oppose were thus early believed to be almost any extended delegation of authority from equally divided on the more essential po- the states of the Union. They contended litical issues. Before the close of the ses- that the power of the state should be sion, Vermont and Kentucky were ad-supreme, and charged the Federalists with mitted to the Union. Vermont was the monarchical tendencies. They opposed first state admitted in addition to the Hamilton's national bank scheme, and original thirteen. True, North Carolina Jefferson and Randolph plainly expressed and Rhode Island had rejected the consti- the opinion that it was unconstitutionaltution, but they reconsidered their action that a bank was not authorized by the and came in the former in November, constitution, and that it would prevent the 1789, and the latter in May, 1790. states from maintaining banks. But when The election for members of the Second the Bill of Rights had been incorporated Congress resulted in a majority in both in and attached to the constitution as branches favorable to the administration. amendments, Jefferson with rare political It met at Philadelphia in October, 1791. sagacity withdrew all opposition to the inThe exciting measure of the session was strument itself, and the Anti-Federalists the excise act, somewhat similar to that of gladly followed his lead, for they felt that the previous year, but the opposition they had labored under many partisan diswanted an issue on which to rally, they advantages. The constitution was from accepted this, and this agitation led to vio- the first too strong for successful resistance, lent and in one instance warlike opposi- and when opposition was opposition was confessedly tion on the part of a portion of the people. abandoned the party name was changed, Those of western Pennsylvania, largely also at the suggestion of Jefferson, to that of Republican. The Anti-Federalists were at first disposed to call their party the Democratic-Republicans, but finally called it simply Republican, to avoid the opposite The French agitation showed its impress of the extreme which they charged against upon the nation as late as 1794, when a the Federalists. Each party had its taunts resolution to cut off intercourse with Great in use, the Federalists being denounced as Britain passed the House, and was demonarchists, the Anti-Federalists as Dem-feated in the Senate only by the casting ocrats; the one presumed to be looking vote of the Vice-President. Many people forward to monarchy, the other to the rule favored France, and to such silly heights of the mob. did the excitement run that these insisted By 1793 partisan lines under the names on wearing a national cockade. Jefferson of Federalists and Republicans, were plain- had left the cabinet the December prely drawn, and the schism in the cabinet vious, and had retired to his plantation in was more marked than ever. Personal Virginia, where he spent his leisure in ambition may have had much to do with writing political essays and organizing the it, for Washington had previously shown Republican party, of which he was the achis desire to retire to private life. While knowledged founder. Here he escaped the he remained at the head of affairs he was errors of his party in Congress, but it was unwilling to part with Jefferson and Ham- a potent fact that his friends in official ilton, and did all in his power to bring station not only did not endorse the nonabout a reconciliation, but without suc- intervention policy of Washington, but cess. Before the close of the first consti- that they actively antagonized it in many tutional Presidency, however, Washington ways. The Congressional leader in these had become convinced that the people de- movements was Mr. Madison. The policy sired him to accept a re-election, and he of Britain_fed this opposition. The forts was accordingly a candidate and unani- on Lake Erie were still occupied by the mously chosen. John Adams was re-elect- British soldiery in defiance of the treaty of ed Vice-President, receiving 77 votes to 1783; American vessels were seized on 50 for Geo. Clinton, (5 scattering) the Re- their way to French ports, and American publican candidate. Soon after the inau- citizens were impressed. To avoid a war, guration Citizen Genet, an envoy from the Washington sent John Jay as special enFrench republic, arrived and sought to voy to England. He arrived in June, excite the sympathy of the United States 1794, and by November succeeded in makand involve it in a war with Great Britain. ing a treaty It was ratified in June, 1795, by Jefferson and his Republican party warmly the Senate by the constitutional majority sympathized with France, and insisted of two-thirds, though there was much dethat gratitude for revolutionary favors clamatory opposition, and the feeling becommanded aid to France in her struggles. tween the Federal and Republican parties The Federalists, under Washington and ran higher than ever before. The RepubliHamilton. favored non-intervention, and cans denounced while the Federals coninsisted that we should maintain friendly gratulated Washington. Under this treaty relations with Great Britain. Washington the British surrendered possession of all showed his usual firmness, and before the American ports, and as Gen'l Wayne durexpiration of the month in which Genet ing the previous summer had conquered arrived, had issued his celebrated procla- the war-tribes and completed a treaty with mation of neutrality. This has ever since them, the country was again on the road been the accepted foreign policy of the to prosperity Mexico and some of the South American republics, there would be even a wider field for them here than there. nation. In Washington's message of 1794, he Genet, chagrined at the issuance of this plainly censured all "self-created political proclamation, threatened to appeal to the societies," meaning the democratic sopeople, and made himself so obnoxious to cieties formed by Genet, but this part of Washington that the latter demanded his the message the House refused to endorse, recall. The French government sent M. the speaker giving the casting vote in the Fauchet as his successor, but Genet con- negative. The Senate was in harmony tinued to reside in the United States, and with the political views of the President. under his inspiration a number of Demo- Party spirit had by this time measurably cratic Societies, in imitation of the French affected all classes of the people, and as Jacobin clubs, were founded, but like all subjects for agitation here multiplied, the such organizations in this country, they opposition no longer regarded Washingwere short-lived. Secret political societies ton with that respect and decorum which thrive only under despotisms. In Repub-it had been the rule to manifest. His wislics like ours they can only live when the dom as President, his patriotism, and ingreat parties are in confusion and greatly deed his character as a man, were all divided. They disappear with the union hotly questioned by political enemies. He of sentiment into two great parties. If was even charged with corruption in exthere were many parties and factions, as in pending more of the public moneys than had been appropriated-charges which were | courage, and prepared to win in the Presisoon shown to be groundless. dential battle which followed. Both parties were plainly arrayed and confident, and so close was the result that the leaders of both were elected-John Adams, the nom At the first session of Congress in December, 1795, the Senate's administration majority had increased, but in the House the opposing Republicans had also in-inee of the Federalists, to the Presidency, creased their numbers. The Senate by 14 to 8 endorsed the message; the House at first refused but finally qualified its an swers. In March, 1796, a new political issue was sprung in the House by Mr. Livingstone of New York, who offered a resolution requesting of the President a copy of the instructions to Mr. Jay, the envoy who made the treaty with Great Britain. After a debate of several days, more bitter than any which had preceded it, the House passed the resolution by 57 to 35, the Republicans voting aye, the Federals no. Washington in answer, took the position that the House of Representatives was not part of the treaty-making power of the government, and could not therefore be entitled to any papers relating to such treaties. The constitution had placed this treaty making and ratifying power in the hands of the Senate, the Cabinet and the President. and Thomas Jefferson, the nominee of the Republicans, to the Vice-Presidency. The law which then obtained was that the candidate who received the highest number of electoral votes, took the first place, the next highest, the second. Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina was the Federal nominee for Vice-President, and Aaron Burr of the Republicans. Adams received 71 electoral votes, Jefferson 65, Pinckney 59, Burr 30, scattering 48. Pinckney had lost 12 votes, while Burr lost 38-a loss of popularity which the latter regained four years later. The first impressions which our forefathers had of this man were the best. John Adams was inaugurated as President in Philadelphia, at Congress Hall, March 4th, 1797, and in his inaugural was careful to deny the charge that the Federal party had any sympathy for England, but reaffirmed his endorsement of the policy of Washington as to strict neutralThis answer, now universally accepted ity. To this extent he sought to soften the as the proper one, yet excited the House asperities of the parties, and measurably and increased political animosities. The succeeded, though the times were still Republicans charged the Federals with stormy The French revolution had being the "British party," and in some reached its highest point, and our people instances hinted that they had been pur-still took sides. Adams found he would chased with British gold. Indignation have to arm to preserve neutrality and at meetings were called, but after much the same time punish the aggression of sound and fury, it was ascertained that the either of the combatants. This was our people really favored abiding by the treaty first exhibition of "armed neutrality." in good faith, and finally the House, after more calm and able debates, passed the needed legislation to carry out the treaty by a vote of 51 to 48. An American navy was quickly raised, and every preparation made for defending the rights of Americars. An alliance with France was refused, after which the In August, 1796, prior to the meeting American Minister was dismissed and the of the Congressional caucus which then French navy began to cripple our trade. placed candidates for the Presidency in In May, 1797, President Adams felt it his nomination, Washington issued his cele- duty to call an extra session of Congress, brated Farewell Address, in which he gave which closed in July. The Senate apnotice that he would retire from public proved of negotiations for reconciliation life at the expiration of his term, He had with France. They were attempted but been solicited to be a candidate for re- proved fruitless in May, 1798, a full naval election (a third term) and told that all armament was authorized, and soon several the people could unite upon him-a state- French vessels were captured before there ment which, without abating one jot, our was any declaration of war. Indeed, neithadmiration for the man, would doubtless er power declared war, and as soon as have been called in question by the Re-France discovered how earnest the Ameripublicans, who had become implacably cans were she made overtures for an adhostile to his political views, and who were justment of difficulties, and these resulted encouraged to believe they could win con- in the treaty of 1800. trol of the Presidency, by their rapidly in- The Republicans, though warmly favor creasing power in the House. Yet the ad- ing a contest, did not heartily support that dress was everywhere received with marks inaugurated by Adams, and contended of admiration. Legislatures commended after this that the militia and a small naval it by resolution and ordered it to be en-force were sufficient for internal defense. grossed upon their records; journals praised it, and upon the strength of its plain doctrines the Federalists took new They denounced the position of the Federals, who favored the enlargement of the army and navy, as measures calculated to overawe public sentiment in time of peace. | politica. thought and action. They were The Federals, however, through their the immediate cause of the Kentucky and prompt resentment of the aggressions of Virginia resolutions of 1798, Jefferson beFrance, had many adherents to their ing the author of the former and Madison party. Thev organized their power and of the latter. sought to perpetuate it by the passage of the alien and sedition, and a naturaliza-significance, and gave tone to sectional distion law. These resolutions were full of political cussion up to the close of the war for the The alien and sedition law gave the Union. They first promulgated the doc'President authority "to order all such trine of nullification or secession, and aliens as he shall judge dangerous to the political writers mistake who point to Calpeace and safety of the United States, or houn as the father of that doctrine. It shall have reasonable grounds to suspect began with the old Republicans under the are concerned in any treasonable or secret leadership of Jefferson and Madison, and machinations against the government though directly intended as protests against thereof, to depart out of the territory of the alien and sedition, and the naturalizathe United States, within such time as tion laws of Congress, they kept one eye shall be expressed in such order." The upon the question of slavery-rather that provisions which followed were in keeping interest was kept in view in their declarawith that quoted, the 3d section command- tions, and yet the authors of both were ing every master of a ship entering a port anything but warm advocates of slavery. of the United States, immediately on his They were then striving, however, to reinarrival, to make report in writing to the force the opposition to the Federal party, collector of customs, the names of all aliens which the administration of Adams had on board, etc. The act was to continue thus far apparently weakened, and they in force for two years from the date of its had in view the brief agitation which had passage, and it was approved June 25th, sprung up in 1793, five years before, on the 1798. petition to Congress of a Pennsylvania A resolution was introduced in the Sen-society "to use its powers to stop the traffic ate on the 25th of April, 1798, by Mr. Hillhouse of Connecticut, to inquire what provision of law ought to be made, &c., as to the removal of such aliens as may be dangerous to the peace of the country, &c. This resolution was adopted the next day, and Messrs. Hillhouse, Livermore and Read were appointed the committee, and subsequently reported the bill. It passed the Senate by 16 to 7, and the House by 46 to 40, the Republicans in the latter body resisting it warmly. The leading opposing idea was that it lodged with the Executive too much power, and was liable to great abuse. It has frequently since, in arguments against centralized power, been used for illustration by political speakers. in slaves." On the question of referring this petition to a committee there arose a sectional debate. Men took sides not because of the party to which they belonged, but the section, and for the first time the North and South were arrayed against each other on a question not then treated either as partisan or political, but which most minds then saw must soon become both partisan and sectional. Some of the Southern dcbaters, in their protests against interference, thus early threatened civil war. With a view to better protect their rights to slave property, they then advocated and succeeded in passing the first fugitive slave law. This was approved February 12, 1793. The resolutions of 1798 will be found in the book devoted to political platforms. So highly were these esteemed by the Republicans of that day, and by the interests. whose support they so shrewdly invited, that they more than counterbalanced the popularity acquired by the Federals in their resistance to France, and by 1800 they caused a rupture in the Cabinet of Adams. The Naturalization law, favored by the Federalists, because they knew they could acquire few friends either from newly arrived English or French aliens, among other requirements provided that an alien must reside in the United States fourteen years before he could vote. The Republicans denounced this law as calculated to In the Presidential election of 1800 John check immigration, and dangerous to our Adams was the nominee for President and country in the fact that it caused too C. C. Pinckney for Vice-President. A many inhabitants to owe no allegiance. "Congressional Convention" of RepubliThey also asserted, as did those who opposed Americanism later on in our history, that America was properly an asylum for all nations, and that those coming to America should freely share all the privileges and liberties of the government. These laws and the political resentments which they created gave a new and what eventually proved a dangerous current to Each cans, held in Philadelphia, nominated |